The All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks (AUCPB), inheriting Bolshevik principles of the R.S.D.W.P. -R.S.D.W.P.(b) - A.U.C.P.(b) - of Lenin's policiy in the CPSU, is the highest form of proletarian class organisation, advanced detachment of the working class, acting in unity with the peasantry and labour intelligentsia, standing on the Party's positions for: the gain of political power - overthrowing the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie and establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat, the destruction of private ownership over the instuments and means of production, the revival of the USSR, the further strenghtening of the proletarian interests for the complete victory of socialism and gradual transition to communism. The ideological and theoretical basis of the AUCPB is formed by Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin, is their doctrine in its creative application and development in modern conditions. The AUCPB is a component of the global communist movement with the aim of communism triumphing over the whole planet.

Friday, 24 December 2010

AUCPB marks 131-th anniversary since the birth of J.V. Stalin

More photos fropm across the regions





AUCPB marks 131-th anniversary since the birth of J.V. Stalin

More from main AUCPB website

In Voronezhsk






Tuesday, 21 December 2010


Russia’s SELLOFF: another round of privatization of state property on the horizon. See: http://sovrab.ru/content/view/4348/1/

Section: News
Views: 63
On June 18, 2010 President of Russia D.A. Medvedev issued a decree "On Amendments to the list of strategic enterprises and strategic joint-stock companies, approved by Presidential Decree of August 4, 2004 No 1009".

This list includes two sections:

1. The federal state unitary enterprises engaged in production of goods (works, services), which is of strategic importance for defense and security, morals, health, rights and lawful interests of citizens of the Russian Federation.

2. Open joint-stock companies whose shares are federally owned and part of the Russian Federation in the management which provides strategic interests, defense and security, the protection of morality, health, rights and lawful interests of Russian citizens.

Initially, in 2004, the first section there were 514 companies annually corresponding to the presidential decrees of the objects from there excluded, for the moment there remains 166. The second section of the list originally listed 550 sites, so far 48 remain. By a decree dated 18 June 2010 by Dmitry Medvedev, from the first section of this list were removed 70 objects, from the second - 169.

In order for you to experience the scope of what is happening, in the end of the article is the complete list of objects that were removed by the Decree of Dmitry Medvedev from this list.

As you can see, these are transportation companies (air, sea and river ports), and major research institutes and industrial enterprises - all that ensures national security and independence of the Russian Federation. What does the exclusion of the given items from the list of strategic enterprises mean? It which means that the President gives the green light to their privatization, and as research institutes and factories, a highly probable suspension of their main activities, followed by the renting out of their property. Behind the empty slogans of Putin's power of patriotism hides the consistent sell-off of the national interests of Russia. Year after year, our country is gradually losing its independence.

When twenty years ago the citizens of Russia were persuaded in favour of the need for privatization, they were given promises that everyone will get their share of state property. At the moment, talk about even this question, the authorities are confident in their complete impunity, and not even bother to have any clear explanations of their actions. Clearly, none of the ordinary citizens who live on earned income will be able to take part in privatization.

However, privatization does not confine itself to those objects which were removed by decree of Dmitry Medvedev from the list of strategic objects, and many of them are on the brink of bankruptcy. Privatization has touched on very profitable companies too. On July 26, 2010, Russian Finance Minister Alexei Kudrin, gave a detailed plan for privatization. The sale is expected of 27.1% shares of Transneft (the currently state-owned package of shares is 78.1%), and a 24.16% stake in Rosneft (state-owned block of shares 75.16%), 24,5% stake in bank VTB (state-owned block of shares 85.5 %), 9,3% of the shares of Sberbank (state-owned block of shares 60.3%), 24,99% stake in the railway company RZD (state-owned block of shares 100%), 49% of the agency mortgage AHML (state-owned block of shares 100%), 25% of shares Sovkomflot (state-owned block of shares 100% ) and 9,4% stake in RusHydro (state-owned block of shares 60.38%).

The government explained that the purpose of this privatization is to reduce the federal deficit. The question is, where is the stabilization fund, which was created just for such purposes? Why is it means not invested in domestic industry, science, agriculture? And who will be responsible for the fact that it burned up together with U.S. securities? Or it is the corruption at the highest government level, which borders on a betrayal of national interests of Russia?

For some time the sale of shares owned by the state will be able to solve the problem of the budget deficit. But then what, three years, five years - will we further continue to sell the remnants of state property? And, in general, is it beneficial for the state to sell shares of profitable companies such as Sberbank, Railways, Rosneft, etc.? Either the true purpose of the privatization or several other aims are non-declared - simply someone wanted to become owners of shares of these companies and the Government of Russia has decided to contribute to this?

Vladimir Ulas. Member of the State Duma. CPRF (Communist Party of the Russian Federation)

The list of objects excluded by the decree of 18 June 2010 from the 1 st section (the figure in the first column is the number of the object, under which it had been on the list):

13 Airport Besovets, pos. Upper Besovets Republic of Karelia

14 Airport Blagoveshchensk, Amur Region

16 Magadan Airport

18 Airport Yuzhno-Sakhalinsk, Sakhalin
51 All-Russian Scientific Research Institute of plant protection chemicals, Moscow
53 All-Russian Scientific and Technical Information Centre, Moscow
54 All-Russian Research Center "Vavilov State Optical Institute named after SI Vavilov, PM St. Petersburg
59 Glavkosmos, Moscow
69 State Scientific-Research Enterprise "Osoka", Moscow
73 State Production Association "Plant named after Maslennikov, Samara
75 State Institute of Organic Synthesis Technology with Pilot Plant, Shikhany Saratov
80 State Scientific-Research Institute for Biological Instrumentation, Moscow
81 State Scientific-Research Institute of Genetics and Selection of Industrial Microorganisms, Moscow
82 State Scientific-Research Institute of Civil Aviation, Moscow
96 National Design and Research and the Research Institute of Civil Aviation Aeroproject, Moscow
97 "State Design and Research Institute land cadastral surveys - VISHAGI, Moscow
109 Factory "Red Giant", the Nikolsk Penza region
110 Factory "Navigator", St. Petersburg
113 Factory "Raid", Samara
114 Plant Selmash ", Kirov
117 Plant Fine Mechanics, Ekaterinburg
119 Plant Uralselmash, settlement. Bisert Sverdlovsk region
126 Zelenodil's'kyi plant in the name of A.M. Gorky, the Republic of Tatarstan
136 Kazan plant Elektropribor
156 Comet, Novosibirsk
160 Design Bureau "Arsenal" named after M.V. Frunze St. Petersburg
183 Krasnouralsk Chemical Plant, Sverdlovsk region
188.1 Kursk Research Institute of the Ministry of Defence of the Russian Federation
194 International Airport "Nizhni Novgorod
205 Moscow Experimental Design Bureau "Mars"
209 Research and Design-Technological Bureau "Whirlwind", Ufa
210 Research and Design-Technological Bureau "Crystal", St. Petersburg
211 Research and Design-Technological Bureau "Ferrite", Voronezh
231 Research Institute of command devices, Saint-Petersburg
236 Research Institute of Machine Building, Lower Salda, Sverdlovsk region
260 Research Institute of Physical Optics, lasers, optics and optical information systems, the All-Russian Scientific Center "Vavilov State Optical Institute named after SI Vavilov, St. Petersburg
275 Scientific and Production Association of Automation, Ekaterinburg
279 Scientific-Production Association SA Lavochkin, Khimki, Moscow Region
280 Scientific-Production Association "Impulse", St. Petersburg
284 Scientific-Production Association "Technomash", Moscow
306 Research and Production Center for Automation and Instrumentation, Academician NA Pilyugin, Moscow
310 Scientific and Technical Centre Zarya, Moscow
311 Scientific and Technical Center "Informregistr, Moscow
337 Omsk Plant winders
338 Omsk Plant of Transport Machinery
343 Experimental Design Bureau "Torch", Kaliningrad
346 Organization of Agat, Moscow
357 Special Design Bureau "Mayak", Perm State University
360 Special Design Bureau of fire prevention equipment, Torzhok Tver
362 Special Design-Technological Bureau "Omega", Veliky Novgorod
364 Penza Plant Avtomedtehnika "
368 Perm Airlines
376 Production Association Amurmash, Khabarovsk
389 Production Association "Ulyanovsk Machine-Building Plant
402 Russian State Scientific-Production Association of Automatics, Moscow
406 Salavat Optical-Mechanical Plant, Republic of Bashkortostan
433 Special Design Bureau "Titan", St. Petersburg
435 Special Design Technological Bureau for designing instruments and devices made of glass, Klin, Moscow Region
437 Special Design-Technological Office "Technolog" Saint-Petersburg Technological Institute (Technical University), St. Petersburg
446 turbo, Voronezh
453 Ust-Katav Carriage Works behalf SM Kirov, Chelyabinsk region
459 Federal State Unitary Enterprise "Amur" reproduction, procurement and implementation of tribal products, Blagoveshchensk, Amur region
460 Federal State Unitary Enterprise for the reproduction and realization of agricultural animals Sakhalin, Yuzhno-Sakhalinsk
476 Central Design Bureau "Geophysics", Krasnoyarsk
480 Central Design Bureau of Transport Engineering, Tver
481 Central Design Bureau for Heavy Engineering, Moscow
494 Central Research Institute of Machine Building, Korolev, Moscow Region
504 Central Research Institute of Radio Engineering, Moscow
508 automaton Chelyabinsk Mechanical Plant
509 ChukotAVIA, pos. Coal Mines of Chukotka
The list of excluded from the decree of 18 June 2010 objects from the 2 nd section (the figure in the first column of the serial number of the object, under which it had been on the list, the figure in the third column - the state's share in joint-stock company in percentages):
13 Azov seaport, Rostov oblast 25.5%
18 Alekseevskaya repair and operational base of the fleet, the Irkutsk Region 51%
22 Amur Shipping Company, Khabarovsk 25.5%
23 telecommunications equipment, Uzlovaya Tula Oblast 27.91 %
25 Arctic Marine Engineering Geological Expeditions, Murmansk 100%
27 Arkhangelsk Regional Fuel and Energy Company Arhobltopprom "25.5%
28 Arkhangelsk river port 25.5 %
30 Astrakhan port 25.5 %
1933 Airport Abakan, Khakassia Republic 75 %
1934 Airport Anapa, Krasnodar 25.5 %
1935 Airport Arkhangelsk 51 %
1936 Airport Astrakhan 51 %
1937 Airport Koltsovo, Ekaterinburg 34.56 %
1938 Airport Murmansk, pos. Murmashi Murmansk region in 38 %
1939 Airport Rostov-on-Don 38 %
40 Tolmachevo Airport, city of Novosibirsk region 51 %Ob
43 Baikal Pulp and Paper Mill, Irkutsk Region in 49 %
46 Bashinformsvyaz, Ufa 28.24 %
47 Biopreparat, Moscow 51 %
48 Biophysical instrumentation, Moscow 30.4 %
52 Bujnakskij Aggregate Plant, Republic of Dagestan 25.5 %
54 Vanino Commercial Sea Port, Khabarovsk Krai 55 %
57 Vladivostok Sea Fishing Port 27.73 %
58 Vladimir factory Elektropribor 32.44 %
61 Vodtranspribor - Start, St. Petersburg, 25.5 %
61.1 11 Voenproekt, Ekaterinburg 100 %
64 Volgograd Scientific-Research and Design Institute of Technology of Chemical and Petroleum Apparatus 25.5 %
65 Volgograd River Port 25.5 %
69 Vologdalestopprom 25.5 %
73 Resurrection Electromechanical Plant, Moscow Region 25%
74 Vostokenergomontazh, Irkutsk 25.5 %
77 All-Russia Research and Design Technological Institute of equipment refining and petrochemical industries, Volgograd 73.07 %
78 All-Russian Scientific Research Institute of Petrochemical Processes, St. Petersburg, 66.57 %
79 All-Russian Scientific Research Institute of the organization, management and economics of oil and gas industry, Moscow 38 %
80 All-Russian Research Institute for Oil Refining, Moscow 38 %
86 Gavrilov-Yam Engineering Works "Agat", Yaroslavl Oblast 25.5 %
89 Geofiztehnologiya, Stavropol 37.9 %
93 Giproavtoagregat, Kurgan 41.01 %
103 State Scientific-Research Institute of Chemical Analysis, St. Petersburg, 25.5 %
107 Dalenergomontazh, Khabarovsk 25.5 %
109 Yeysk sea port, Krasnodar 25.5 %
111 Yenisey River Shipping Company, Krasnoyarsk 25.5 %
116 Factory "Engine", St. Petersburg, 25.5 %
119 Plant KVOiT, Leningrad region, Ivangorod 25.5 %
120 Plant Kotloochistka, Moscow 25.5 %
127 Semicoking Plant, Leninsk-Kuznetsk, Kemerovo region 25.5 %
128 Factory "Polar Star" Severodvinsk, Arkhangelsk Oblast 25.5 %
132 Plant Electrical, Kirov 30 %
134 Western Shipping Company, Kaliningrad 25.5 %
137 STAR, St. Petersburg 100 %
146 Institute of Immunological Engineering, pos. Lyubuchany Moscow region 38 %
151 Institute of Applied Biochemistry and Engineering ", Moscow 26.85 %
153 Institute of Electronic Control Machines, Moscow 38 %
154 Information Telecommunication Technology, St. Petersburg 60 %
157 Irtysh Shipping Company, Omsk 25.5 %
159.1 Kavkazgidrogeologiya, Zheleznovodsk Stavropol 100 %
160 Kavtransstroy, Vladikavkaz 38.24 %
161 Kazan 'Chemical Research Institute 25.5 %
163 Kaliningradgeofizika 38 %
171 Caspian Works Fine Mechanics, Republic of Dagestan 25.5 %
172 CAT, Novosibirsk 25.5 %
173 KB Elektropribor, Saratov 38 %
175 Kirensk repair and operational base of the fleet, the Irkutsk Region in 51%
180 Kolchugino ferrous metals processing Ordzhonikidze, Vladimir Region 48 %
183 Composite, Korolev, Moscow region 49 %
186 Design Bureau "Impulse", St. Petersburg 60.01%
189.1 Chemical Automation Design Bureau, Voronezh 100 %
198 Corporation Compomash ", Moscow 58.53 %
207 Kubanlestopprom, Krasnodar 25.5 %
213 Kushvinsky Electromechanical Plant, Sverdlovsk Region 25.49 %
226 Kurumoch International Airport, Samara 50.99 %
228 Monolith, city of Bryansk region Trubchevsk 25.5%
231 Moscow long-distance telephone station N September 38 %
237 Moscow factory ElectroShield "25.5 %
251 Moscow River Shipping 25.5 %
252 Moscow company specialized in repair, upgrade, installation and adjustment of power equipment of power "Mosenergoremont" 48.99 %
255 Murmansk Commercial Seaport 25.49 %
256 Murmansk Shipping 25.5 %
261 Scientific Research Institute "Breeze", Taganrog, Rostov region 25.5 %
262 Research Institute gidrosvyazi "Calm", Volgograd 25.5 %
264 Research Institute of Metallurgical Heat Engineering, Ekaterinburg 35.5 %
265 Research Institute of Marine Heat, Lomonosov (St. Petersburg) 25.5 %
269 Research Institute of Techno-Economic Studies, Moscow 38 %
274 Research, Design and Research Institute "Lenmetrogiprotrans, St. Petersburg, 25.5 %
275 Research and Design Institute of the biotechnology industry, Kirov 25.5 %
276 Research and Design Institute of Oil Refining and Petrochemical Industry, Moscow 38 %
287 Scientific-Production Association "Iskra", Perm 55 %
288 Scientific-Production Association "Mars", Ulyanovsk 25.5 %
296 Research and Production Enterprise "Rainbow", St. Petersburg 60%
300 Research and Production Enterprise "EGA", Moscow 25.5 %
301 Scientific-Industrial Complex "Northern Dawn", St. Petersburg 60%
302 National Institute of Aviation Technology, Moscow 35.19
308 Nizhny Novgorod Research Institute of engineering materials "Prometheus" 50.98 %
313.1 Novorossiysk Commercial Sea Port 20 %
316 Novosibirsk Plant of Medical Preparations 38%
318 Novosibirsk Research Institute of Aviation Technology and the organization of production 100 %
319 Novosibirsk river port 25.5 %
325 Ob-Irtysh River Shipping Company, Tyumen 25.5 %
330 Omsk river port 25.5 %
333 Omsktransstroy 25.5 %
336 Experimental Design Bureau Motors, Voronezh 49 %
337 Experimental Design Bureau of optional equipment and the development of chemical processes, Moscow 25.5%
346 Osetrovsky river port of Ust-Kut in Irkutsk Oblast in 51%
347 Joint Stock Company of biological engineering and instrument, Yoshkar-Ola 27.8 %
348 Joint Stock Company "Vostoksibelektrosetstroy" for the construction and installation of high voltage transmission lines and substations, Irkutsk 25.5 %
357 Joint Stock Company for the mechanization of work on transport construction "Transstroymehanizatsiya, Moscow 52.5 %
358 Joint Stock Company for installation and commissioning of electrical equipment and automation of power plants and substations "Elektrotsentromontazh, Moscow 25.5 %
359 Joint Stock Company for the installation of thermal power equipment "Mosenergomontazh, Moscow 25.5 %
360 Joint Stock Company for the production of bridge concrete structures "Mostozhelezobetonkonstruktsiya, Moscow 25.5 %
366 Penza factory Precision Instruments 74.99 %
367 Penza Simulation Design Bureau 100 %
368 Penza Scientific-Production Enterprise "Era" 60 %
380 Privolzhtransstroy, Volgograd 25.5 %
388 Production Design Association Exchanger ", Nizhny Novgorod 25 %
390 Industrial complex "Akhtuba, Volgograd 25.5 %
393 Protontonnelstroy, Protvino, Moscow Region 49.5 %
402? "Russian Oil Company - Rostopprom, Moscow 72.75 %
407 Russian Joint Stock Company "UES of Russia", Moscow 52.68 %
Rostov port 412 25.5%
417 Salavatgidromash, Republic of Bashkortostan in 38 %
422 Samara plant ElectroShield, settlement. Krasnaya Glinka, Samara 25.5 %
424 Samara River Port 25.5 %
429 Saratov river transport company 25.5 %
432 Sakhalin Shipping Company, Kholmsk Sakhalin 25.5 %
435 Northern River Shipping Company, Arkhangelsk 31.32 %
436 North Port, Moscow 25.5 %
437 North-Western Shipping Company, Saint-Petersburg 25.5 %
438 Sevzapelectrosetstroy, St. Petersburg, 25.5 %
447 Sibelektrosetstroy, Novosibirsk 25.5 %
449 Sibenergoremont, Novosibirsk 25.5 %
454 Soyuzmorgeo, Gelendzhik Krasnodar 100 %
463 Construction and Assembly Trust for North-West Sea Basin, St. Petersburg, 25.5 %
464 Construction and Industrial Company Mosenergostroy "25.5 %
465 Stupino Metallurgical Company, Moscow region 54.26 %
469 Shipping Company Volga Shipping Company, Nizhniy Novgorod 25.5 %
473 Taganrog factory "Surf", Rostov region 25.5 %
474 Taganrog Commercial Seaport, Rostov Region 25.5 %
475 locomotives 42.47 %
476 25.5 port of Tver
468 N Tunnel Detachment 44, Sochi, Krasnodar Krai 25.5 %
488 Fuel Company Astrahantopprom "25.5 %
489 Transvzryvprom, Moscow 25.5 %
491 Trust Gidromontazh, Moscow 25 +1 %
492 Trust Sevenergostroy, St. Petersburg, 25.5 %
493 Trubchevsk Plant Nerussa "Bryansk region, 100 %
494 Tuapse Commercial Sea Port, Krasnodar Territory 25 %
503 Ulyanovskmostostroy 28.52 %
505 Ulyanovsktransstroy 25.5 %
506 Ural Institute of Metals, Ekaterinburg 25.5 %
513 training center, air-22 Civil Aviation, pos. Bykovo Moscow region 51.01 %
515 Energozashita Company, Moscow 25 +1 %
517 Khabarovsk river port 25.5
520 Central Geophysical Expedition, Moscow 100 %
522 Central Design Bureau of Communication, Moscow 29 %
523 Central Research Institute of the paper, pos. Pravdinsky Moscow region in 60 %
524 Central Research Institute of Information and feasibility studies refining and petrochemical industries, Moscow 38 %
528.1 20 Central Design Institute, Moscow 100 %
530 Cheboksary river port 25.5 %
533 Chermetavtomatika, Moscow 49.01 %
535 Chukotkasvyazinform, Anadyr 75 %
536 Shchekinsky factory "Boiler auxiliary equipment and pipelines, Sovetsk Tula Oblast 25.5 %
541 Elektrostalsky Scientific and Production Association "Inorganic", Moscow oblast 25.5 %
542 Electrotyaga, St. Petersburg, 74.6 %
544 Energostalkonstruktsiya, Konakovo Tver 25.5 %
545 Southern Open Joint Stock Company for the construction and reconstruction of roads and airfields, Yuzhdorstroy ", Krasnodar 49 %
546 South River port, Moscow 26.08 %
548 Yaroslavl River Port 25.5 %
549 Yaroslavtehnologiya 25.5%

Thursday, 16 December 2010

Students are rising up!

Students are revolting: education cuts and resistance

David Hill

December 2nd, 2010
Students are revolting! And quite right too. From the 52,000 strong demo in Westminster on Nov. 10th (which went via the Millbank Tory Party HQ- not your average day at the office!) to disciplined and organized student occupations, sit-ins and teach-ins at Leeds, Manchester, Sussex, Middlesex and other Universities, through subsequent Days of Action, to student protests across Europe- Paris, Lisbon, Athens, Dublin. Saying, chanting, acting, demanding, `No to Education Cuts’, `No to (increased) Charges for Education’, `Education should be Free!’ The 10 Nov demo, organized by the National Union of Students and the college lecturers union, UCU, was the biggest student demonstration in a generation.
The next round was Weds 24 Nov, `Day X’. Students at universities, further education colleges, Sixth Forms and secondary schools walked out, and demonstrating against cuts and tuition fees, in a national day of action. Some marched on their local Tory party offices, just as 300 students and trade unionists in Barnet marched earlier on the local Tory Party HQ in Finchley!
The next `Day X’ is the day of the vote in Parliament on 9 Dec 2010 over the fees increase. There’ll be another massive demonstration. The Facebook group `Tuition Fee Vote: March on Parliament’ had 2,300 `attending’ within 45 minutes of being set up! Students and Workers realize this is a common struggle- Day X is supported by the three main anti-cuts umbrella organisations, The NSSN (National Shop Stewards Network), the RtW (Right to Work campaign) and the CoR (Campaign of Resistance) whose 27 Nov London conference of 1300 brought together organizations, socialist/ Marxist parties and groups, national organizations, local anti-cuts groups, students and school students.
One of the most remarkable and inspiring speeches, by 15 year old Barnaby, on Youtube, explicitly linked the student struggle to wider struggles and workers struggles.
This time round, students are saying much more than `No Fees’. Saying and chanting `Students and Workers Unite and Fight’, `We are Part of a Wider Struggle!’ A recognition that our struggle is a common struggle for a better, a fairer, not a diminished and crueler, society. Facebook sites such as `School and FE students Against the Cuts’ have brilliant, basic, bold slogans- `Education for the masses not just for the ruling classes!’
What the banker’s crisis, the current crisis of neoliberal capitalism, `making the workers pay for the crisis’, the millionaire Con-Dem millionaire government is doing, is stoking raw anger. Not just among mainly middle class university students, but among working class students at Further Education colleges and Sixth Form colleges.

Raw Anger
There is raw anger at the withdrawal of Education Maintenance Allowances (EMSs) that are currently for low-income working class kids to stay on and study from the ages of 16-19, worth up to £30 per week. Now they are to be scrapped. Nationally 46% of Further Education students get EMAs. In poorer areas like Knowsley, Birmingham and Leicester the figure is 80%. Those affected are kids like members of my family. My grandson is one of hundreds of thousands of working class, low parental income kids, who could not have afforded to stay on to do A levels without the EMA. Millions of working class families will see their EMA support abolished. This is nearly 50 years on from when I received the staying on at school grant that I got as a working class kid staying on at Sixth Form in the 1960s. I couldn’t have stayed on without that grant. Now, almost half a century on, neither will millions of others. This is part of cutting back the social democratic advances won by the trade unions and working class after the second world war. The fight is to save the last vestiges of our post-war social democratic settlement starts here! One benefit, one part of `the social wage’, is being taken away. This is the deliberate culling of educational opportunity.
So, too, is the trebling of fees for university students following the Con-Dem government’s acceptance of the Browne Review. The cap of £3,000 a year tuition fees has been raised to a maximum of £9,000 a year fees! The most expensive state university fees in the world. Leaving students with a projected post-university degree debt of £38,000, that will, inevitably cut out poorer families. And so there is disgust among students at the bankers taking their millions in bonuses while other families agonise over the spiralling cost of what… getting educated!
The Class System and Education
Schooling, education, universities, even as early as nurseries, serve to sort people out- their futures, their minds. To reproduce the class system. It’s not what the official rhetoric claims of course, and it’s certainly not what teachers and lecturers want. But the actual intent of the ruling/capitalist class is for education to create and reproduce a hierarchically tiered and very differentially rewarded workforce. That’s the economic aim. It’s all about sifting and sorting and allocating- on a (raced and gendered) social class basis, `education for the economy’. Little else is deemed important for the masses. Ah- and mind-control- education as an `ideological state apparatus`. Yes, the social and political aim is a socially compliant citizenry. To teach us all our very different places. In the words of one senior civil servant, `people must be educated once more to know their place’. And, to use the French Marxist Louis Althusser’s distinction between the Ideological State Apparatuses (mainly nowadays, the mass media and the education system, formerly mainly organized religions) and the Repressive State Apparatuses (the Laws themselves, the Police, the Armed Forces, Surveillance and Control mechanisms, state force), where the Ideological State Apparatuses don’t work- then the police kettle students and protesters, charge demonstrators on horses (I remember that from the Grunwick Strike in 1977), and use their batons. The smiley face of the police officer leading/ liaising with marchers, organizers, demos in Brighton over the last few years is replaced by visored, shield bearing and baton wielding riot police.
In the capitalist world, education is differentially funded on a class basis, with different expectations, life chances, and personality characteristics being encouraged and reproduced. In a nutshell, (most) upper class kids get to private schools and elite universities. There, they are trained for the Bullingdon Boy, Eton educated Cameron style of leadership, wealth and power. Born- and educated- to power.
Most `middle class’ kids go to schools that are in some way, formally or informally socially and academically selective, and are trained for lower professions and supervisory and managerial jobs. Around half of my grammar school Upper Sixth form in 1963 went on to become teachers. I don’t think any of my twin brother’s secondary school classmates who had left school at 15 went on to become teachers. Most went straight into the manual job market.
Most `working class’ kids go to the middle and bottom rungs of the ladder of educational schools, expectations and opportunity. Trained for skilled manual, semi and unskilled and routine jobs, earning (in most cases) a fraction of the ruling / upper/capitalist class. Some don’t. Most do. There is some (ever-diminishing) social mobility of course, it legitimates the system and gives the illusion of meritocracy. And, for some, better funded lives.
Most, if not all, of the `working class’, live poorer, sometimes far, far poorer, more materially circumscribed lives, being educated not to expect too much, to obey, to accept life’s inequalities, to accept mind-numbing `celebrity culture’ as a substitute for real news and critique. Cameron’s millionaire cabinet (18 millionaires in the Cabinet) think £30,000 a year is poverty! Tell that to the millions on £15,000 or on minimum wage or on benefits! Who know what being hard-up means on a daily basis.
Some, especially in the Tory party, want to bring back grammar schools. Tell that to the millions who got a second-rate education, second-rate funding, second-rate libraries and less qualified teachers in secondary schools compared with the lucky 20% who got into grammar school.
Yes, I was lucky, passing the 11-plus and getting a first-rate education at a Grammar School, encouraged to reach for the stars, study until the age of 21, and set professional ambitions. I went on to become a university professor of education: not the lifestyle of a banker or billionaire, but very comfortable.
Not so for millions who were separated out for a second-rate education system – like my twin brother, who went to local Secondary Schools.
Most working class kids in the 1960s were ejected at age 15 into factory, shop and building site work. Nothing wrong with that work, but manual workers, then as now, get far less in pay, pensions and benefits than the more highly qualified. Of course, both sets of workers – manual and professional – then and now get paid a tiny fraction compared to the ruling class, “the masters of the universe”, mostly educated at private schools, inheriting and passing on privilege.
That was when I was a teenager, half a century ago. But it’s now, too. At school level, with the market in schools, a socially differentiated system where schools choose the kids rather than parents choosing schools for their kids. And class-based, too. With the abolition of EMAs, more so! With more and more working class kids dropping out of education because they can’t afford to stay in it!
And so too at University. In addition to having a three tier higher education system (elite/ Russell Group universities; other old universities; and a third tier, much more working class, tier of ex-polytechnics). There will be less of them, there will be less working class kids going to universities when fees are raised. The culling of educational opportunity. So people will once again not only know their place, but will be less able to change places!
But people resist! Students are rebelling! Some trade unions are resisting cuts! And many teachers, students, workers, retirees, have visions of different utopias, past, present and future. Some remember the hopes and visions of the welfare state, of a free education and health service, free at the point of delivery, available on the basis of need not ability to pay. And some of us want better than that! Not its destruction.
Divisive and divided education for conformity is resisted! Many resist! Many teachers/ lecturers/ `teacher trainers’/students/ families resist magnificently! (I’ve been involved in teacher education for forty years, I see it). Many try day in day out to raise expectations, refusing to label and stereotype and demean kids from particular class and ethnic backgrounds. The best teachers and lecturers, and other cultural/media workers, try, teach, show that we, and that kids’ and students’ futures, need not just be as compliant cogs in an economic machine.
Many- and it will become millions!- not only want but see the possibilities of a far better, far fairer, far more socially just, far more equal education system, society, politics and economy. Students - and anti-cuts campaigns and groups up and down the country - are prepared to struggle and demonstrate and organize. We’ve got to change this educational and social and economic system. And we can. But not with any of the current main parties!
All three of them want to/ accept slash and burn the welfare state, to reverse hard won historical rights and benefits. That’s where socialist groups and parties and anti-cuts campaigns come in. For me, a way forward is TUSC, the Trade Unionist and Socialist Coalition, and local anti-cuts movements and coalitions - including the example of the students at Sussex University and other universities, sitting in, teaching-in, joining workers and trade unionists on our marches and demos.
One of the brilliant speeches at the CoR rally was by John McDonnell, one of the very few remaining socialist MPs left (available online).
`This generation was meant to be apathetic, only interested in careers…. They’ve taught my generation, that we have been too long on our knees. And it’s time to stand up and fight. You students (who were arrested during Millbank and the kettling) You are not the criminals… The real criminals are the ones attacking our education system… say this to the TUC, it is time to play your role! We want co-ordinated industrial action, co-ordinated strike action across the country. It is time for generalized strike action. We are posing an alternative.… When Parliament refuses to represent. When politicians lie. When governments seek to ignore us… We have no other alternative but to take to the streets. And direct action to bring them down. Take to the streets’.
Local anti-cuts movements, occupations, sit-ins, demonstrations, and national coalitions such as TUSC, if they are organised democratically, can bring together workers, trade unionists, different socialist groups, students, teachers, OAPs - the people! - black, white, men, women, people of all religions and sexualities- in a common fight for equality. The struggle is wider than just over education!
Socialist Resistance member Dave Hill is Professor of Education at Middlesex, and Visiting Professor of Education at Athens and Limerick Universities. Formerly a Labour Parliamentary candidate and Labour Group Leader, he was the TUSC general election candidate for Brighton Kemptown in May 2010, and is active in the Brighton Anti-Cuts Coalition. He was on the recent Education national demonstration, and is involved in Student / Lecturer actions against the Cuts/ at Sussex and Middlesex Universities.

Video from the day of action
Lenin’s Tomb

12.12.2010 08:03

(Translated from Russian from Russian newspaper “Sovetskaya Rossiya”)

In the evening of December 9, by a margin of 21 votes a bill, allowing a threefold increase in tuition fees for higher education, was adopted by the British House of Commons. Henceforth notes the chairman of the National Union of Students Aaron Porter, British universities will be among the most expensive in the world. To such a prospect young Brits responded by a series of large demonstrations. Demonstrations continued throughout the day – at least 20,000 people turned out on the streets of London. Protests unfolded right at the walls of Parliament.
"No ifs, no buts, no education cuts!" - chanted the students. The reasons for them protesting, is clearly formulated by the protesters: "If universities are to be privatized, many students will not afford to get an education. Everyone should have the right to education. And I came here today to assert this right."
Raising tuition fees is due to reduced government funding of universities by 40% as part of budget savings. In other words, the state has passed on to students' its own obligations under the budgetary provisions of universities. For students, all references to budget cuts as an emergency measure of the government, are obviously not convincing. They give the simplest and most logical answer: "Make the rich pay" – and was among the slogans that were sprayed onto the walls and pedestals of monuments.
What particularly outraged the demonstrators was the the behavior of the leader of the Liberal Democrats Nick Clegg and a number of his close party associates, marching to the polls with a promise to prevent an increase of tuition fees, and now, as part of a coalition government, have betrayed their constituents and supporters and which became the reason of the mass protests against the bill. Besides, many young voters voted for the liberal Democrats in the elections in May this year. No wonder that after the elections the Liberal Democrats lost the support of one-half to 2 / 3 of those who voted for them. "Nick Clegg became the hated figure for the protesting students" - recognizes the Guardian newspaper.
In reality, however, the liberal Democrats were split: 21 of their deputies opposed the bill. Two MP-s from the Liberal Democratic Party in protest resigned.
The protesters tried to break through police barriers, threw stones, snooker balls, firecrackers and flagpoles at police. The authorities mobilized hundreds of police and mounted police against the demonstrators. Once again the tactic of "kettling" was used against protesters who were blocked inside a police cordon for hours. The protesters tried to vent their anger by smashing the windows of the Treasury, and the Supreme Court, as well as shop windows along Oxford Street. Slogans were painted onto monuments, including the one of Churchill. At Parliament Square, street benches were set alight, and in Trafalgar Square, protestors set fire to a Christmas tree. Ibid 150 students declared a sit-down strike.
The scope of student demonstrations and the degree of how angry youth are had to be endured even by the Crown Prince Charles with his wife Camilla who were being driven to the center of London to the annual "Royal Variety" in the run-up to Christmas, where protests were simmering. Their limousine was attacked by the protestors, with white paint thrown at the limosine and one of its windows shattered. In general, in the clashes 43 demonstrators and 12 police officers were injured. At time of writing 22 people were arrested. More arrests follow.
With this, the protesters warned the authorities: "…..we will not just give up. They will not escape one day. They hope that, today, students will rebel, and tomorrow everyone will forgive and forget. We will not deviate. For us, the new law - this is not some isolated case of arbitrariness, this is an attack by the state on its own people."

Sovetskaya Rossiya [11/12/2010]

Friday, 3 December 2010

Trial over timeservers

Trial over timeservers: some results of a popular vote in the television show "Court of Time"

01.12.2010 10:10

Svanidze and Co. have decided to judge the great Stalin era, having started a TV show "Court of Time” (judge of time) following the instructions of timeserver Medvedev about "de-Stalinization of the public conscience", but like the TV show by anti-Soviet Lyubimov, we got the opposite effect - the people with their votes judged the time-servers, and pay tribute to Stalin .
Below are the published pictures from the TV program "Court of Time" with the results from the national (phone-in) vote. The results of the voting by the brain-washed by Svanidze & Co. TV show audience were completely the opposite, or roughly equal, that many of the facts of our history are so striking and obvious that no lies and falsification can hide them.

Question 1:
Perestroika: Was this a way out of a dead end, or a catastrophe?

Results from phone-in vote:
A way out of a dead end: 7%
A catastrophe: 93%

Question 2:
“Soviet Man” – Was this an ideological myth or a historical achievement?

Results from phone-in vote:
An ideological myth: 6%
A historical achievement: 94%

Question 3:
The Stakhanovite Movement: Was it a Soviet “propaganda campaign” (“kampaneishina”) or a true labour uplift?

Results from phone-in vote:
Soviet “propaganda campaign”: 6%
A true labour uplift: 94%

Question 4:
Was the Constituent Assembly a democratic step forward or guaranteed chaos?

Results from phone-in vote:
A democratic step forward: 8%
Guaranteed chaos: 92%

Question 5:
Ukraine and Russia: Are they better apart or together?

Results from phone-in vote:
Apart: 8%
Together: 92%

TV Photos:

Thursday, 2 December 2010



19 November 2010 17: 28

In accordance with the decision of the Belarusian Parliament, on 19 December 2010 there will be presidential elections. For already 16 years, Alexander Lukashenko has been President of Belarus, who won the presidential elections in 1994, 2001 and 2006. Restrictions previously written in the Belarusian Constitution, in article 81 which was written: "the same person cannot be President for no more than two terms, was excluded from it after a Republican referendum in 2004, which the pro-Western opposition is still challenging.
The current election is taking place in a difficult political and economic environment: the bourgeois Republic of Belarus which was formed as a result of the counter-revolutionary coup of 1991, when the great power - the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics was destroyed, like many other bourgeois countries, are making desperate attempts to cope with the impact of economic crisis affecting the capitalist world. Many working people of the former USSR during the years of bourgeois reformation on their own experience has felt that there is no alternative to socialism, and that only the restoration of socialism will allow them to forget about crises and to look to the future.
The bourgeois power has called on all citizens of Belarus to participate in presidential elections, and that is echoed by the absolute majority of the Belarusian parties including the leftist parties which instil into working peoples; minds the thought that elections can change their lives for the better.
The position of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks is unchangeable: you will not wrest power from the bourgeoisie by ballot papers. Never in history has there been a case that the bourgeoisie have voluntarily given up power and their plundered wealth and handed over to the working people. This is impossible. The true president in a bourgeois state is capital which employs the power it needs. And whoever wins this election campaign under the rule of the bourgeoisie, in any country, including in Belarus (Ivanov, Petrov or Sidorov), the capitalist political system pages will remain unchanged. This is confirmed not only by entire preceding world history, but by the 19-year-old history of the republics of the former Soviet Union. Only the names and elements of state policy change, but the capitalist framework of the state is private ownership of means of production, the capitalist market and dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, perhaps even in the form of bourgeois democracy are all preserved.
This experience and that of other countries once again convinces working people that despite any result of elections, the main contradictions of capitalism remain – i.e. the conflict between the social and private capitalist forms of appropriation of the results of social labour. And from there follow the defects of capitalism: the ever increasing income disparities between the exploiting and exploited majority by the minority, the impoverishment of the workers and their uncertainties about the future because of the constant threat of unemployment and social exclusion. For example, the contractual employment system has transformed Belarusian workers into absolutely powerless slaves.
Modern practice of political struggle really illustrates the prophetic words of Lenin: "… The proletariat cannot win without winning over to its side the majority of the population. But to restrict or make this winning over by gaining the majority of votes cast at elections under the rule of the bourgeoisie is inadmissible narrow-mindedness or simply just a sell off of the working people" (Works vol. 40, p.14).
As a consistent supporter of Marx-Engels-Lenin, Stalin, the AUCPB unlike other so-called communist parties since its formation defends the revolutionary form of struggle against capital. The Bolsheviks of Belarus during all the years of bourgeois restoration are true to this line and declare: the power of the bourgeoisie can be smashed only by the revolutionary way, by a socialist revolution. In addition, the Bolsheviks, as the most consistent conductors of Communist ideology, have always opposed and to this day oppose presidential forms of power – the bourgeois institute of power and believe that the best president for working people is Soviet power – the dictatorship of the proletariat in alliance with the peasantry and intellectuals, and must be fought for. Therefore, any election in the bourgeois system of power should be treated as another removal of working people away from the class struggle, another campaign of stupefying by capital of the masses of people in order to prolong its existence.
In the framework of this campaign, the Belarusian state media are constantly trying to convince the public both inside and outside the republic that our economy is at the service of working people, ordinary people. It is emphasized that in Belarus a significant portion of the property is in the hands of the State and not stolen by oligarchs, like Russian oligarchs have done. However, according to the Statistical Yearbook of the Republic of Belarus 62.7% of industrial production in the Republic is in private enterprises, including those with foreign capital participation. And this percentage from year to year is constantly growing, that is, everything is going according to Lenin: private ownership every minute and every second produces more private ownership. In addition, in some industries this percentage is even higher: fuel 94.4% light industry -80.8 food industry 79.9%, building material industry - 63.4%. It is particularly important to point out that trade in the Republic is also concentrated mainly in private hands: 81.9% of retail turnover is accounted for by private sale. Belarus now has all the components of the capitalist market: the market for capital goods, means of production, capital and securities markets, the labour market and the market for personal consumption. With regard to state enterprises, they have long been operating under the laws of the capitalist market and participate in business on an equal footing with private enterprises, i.e. they constitute state capitalist property. A similar situation in agriculture.
As we see from above, our Republic of Belarus is just another bourgeois state, headed by a bourgeois president. The current type of economic relations in Belarus has been promoted by the Belarusian authorities as a special "Belarusian model" of economy, but from a Marxist-Leninist perspective, this model is nothing new and has been described as state capitalism, which every year is increasingly approaching the normal form of capitalism with the predominance of private property. The so-called "Belarusian miracle" does not exist. Although the Belarusian economic indicators are among the highest on the territory of the former USSR, Soviet type growth is simply unattainable. The true miracle (entitled "Russian miracle") was to the world, the Soviet Socialist economy under Stalin, its growth is still unbeatable: the growth of capitalist Japan (called in the 1970s, the “Japanese miracle ") and the capitalized economy of modern China is 2.5 times lower than the Stalin economy. Besides, newest history knows that: the successes of bourgeois economy are temporary in nature, with a surge in growth, even relatively long, as a rule, followed by decline.
On 17 September at a meeting of the Central Election Committee, the decision was adopted on the registering of 17 initiative groups of voters for nomination of candidates for presidency in Belarus.
The balance of political forces in Belarus is determined in accordance with the economic interests of different groups and sectors of Belarusian society. Recent electoral fighting in Belarus is undertaken among political trends of two main directions. Some defend the interests of the national bourgeois – these are the parties and politicians orientating themselves towards the current power, including the Communist Party of Belarus (KPB leader T. Golubev), and the others towards the interests of the treacherous sellout compradors, parties and politicians orientated towards the West, politicians of nationalist tendency. The interests of the workers, peasants and working intelligentsia are not defended by any of the political groups or politicians involved in elections, since under the rule of the bourgeoisie, it is not possible to do this by parliamentary methods.
The national bourgeoisie profited primarily through the development of its own production, with current president A. Lukashenka representing its interests in Belarus. His administration is placing the main stakes on the capitalist integration with Russia, thus ensuring the free movement of capital, labour, goods, services, forming new financial and industrial groups, increasing sales and reviving national industry and thus the increase in profits - the ultimate goal of any of capitalist production. However, if in more recent past, a significant part of our economy was focused on Russia, then currently as a result of pushing Belarus by the Kremlin comprador leadership out of the Russian market, the Belarusian economy is becoming more "multi-vectored" in nature. The West did not fail to take advantage of the situation, and rejected the politics of confrontation with Belarus, has begun to gradually draw it within the sphere of its own influence, still making the strategic aim of isolating the former Soviet republics of Russia and to prevent the formation of some kind of a union alliance in the former Soviet Union.
The comprador bourgeoisie, making their profits from the sale of imported products, attracting foreign capital to the country and exploiting its own working people, in policy is placing bets on the openly pro-Western most reactionary forces, who, under slogans of bourgeois nationalism, are inherently anti-national collaborators. To them belong the nationalist party types Partiya BNF (Belarusian Popular Front), UCP (United Civil Party of Belarus) , BSDP (Belarusian Social Democratic Party (“Narodnay Hramada” - Assembly)), BCD (Belarusian Christian Democracy), and others. The majority of them joined in the so-called United Democratic Forces of Belarus (UDF), but in this election campaign, the parties of the UDF, unlike in the past were not able to agree and to propose a single candidate. Therefore, the candidates from the comprador bourgeoisie are meanwhile involved in the current election themselves, each on its own. The Belarusian party of the left "fair world" (former leader of the Party of Communists Belarus, S. Kalyakin) is also participating actively in the UDF, but this time has not nominated his own representative to the presidential candidates.
New in this election campaign is that the current head of the Belarusian State and his administration are now exposed to pressure not only from the West, but also from the East, from Federal Russia, as evidenced by the mass of unfriendly expressions of its leadership. It has reached the point where the Kremlin is giving honorary reception to Belarusian oppositionists, who are always configured as pro-Western and unfriendly to Russia, and they have been given them the opportunity to speak in Russian media. However, the rating of the current President of the Republic is so high that this campaign does not have such an activity pro-Western opposition like in the presidential campaign of 2001 and 2006. Of course, the credibility of the bourgeois power was created with the help of administrative resources: The Belarusian state-run media from morning to night broadcast about the socially oriented economy of bourgeois Republic of Belarus without talking about the constantly growing prices even for basic necessities, expensive food, pharmaceuticals, utilities, transportation, and moving health and education more onto a fee-paying basis. These "achievements" are implicitly reflected in the following fact: during bourgeois construction, the population of Belarus was reduced from 10 million 210 thousand people in 1994 to 9 million 671.9 thousand people in 2008.
From the above said, the Bureau of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks for Belarus and Kaliningrad has decided not to participate in the elections for President of the Republic of Belarus, which are inherently ELECTIONS WITHOUT A CHOICE.
During the election campaign, party organizations of the AUCPB in Belarus are to carry out the following tasks:
1. Explain to the citizens of Belarus, the Bolshevik position on the presidential elections at this stage. We need to use the election campaign to promote the position of the party on matters of governance and class struggle, to publicize the Bolshevik revolutionary ideas on the need to overthrow the capitalist system with the aim of restoring Soviet power, socialism and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and to expose the Presidency as a bourgeois anti-national institution, as well as myths about the possibility of electing a President of the "good", to improve the lives of working people.
2. Every communist-Bolshevik has been entasked to distribute the Bolshevik press in Belarus, making full use of every opportunity to take part in pre-election assemblies, pickets, rallies.
3. Note that active Bolshevik work among the masses during the election campaign must form “roadmaps” to subsequent elections, dispelling illusions of workers about improving their lives within the capitalist system. In addition, the campaign should be used to gain experience in political work, to strengthen the ranks and raise the profile of the Bolshevik organizations among workers, peasants and intellectuals.
4. In the case of a second round of presidential elections and the emergence of a real risk of a pro-Western candidate winning, we must also carry out the most active agitation "AGAINST" him using the afore-mentioned tactic.
5. Continue the policy of unity of actions of all leftist forces on the forming of an Anti-imperialist and anti-fascist front of working people of Belarus.
We, Bolsheviks, are confident that only the class war led right up to the dictatorship of the proletariat will enable workers to cast off the shackles of slavery of capitalism and open them the road to a better future – one of socialism and communism.

Our Stalingrad is yet to come!

Our cause is just, victory will be ours!

Minsk, 14 October 2010

Wednesday, 1 December 2010






FOR BOLSHEVISM-AUCPB website: http://aucpbenglishwebsite.blogspot.com or google in: for bolshevism-aucpb

No 12 (93) DECEMBER 2010


The role of Vladimir Ilych Lenin as the organizer and leader of the Great October Socialist Revolution, is acknowledged even by anti-communists. However, various anti-Soviet and opportunists are trying to downplay the role in the preparation of the October Revolution and the triumphant accomplishments of another outstanding revolutionary - Joseph Stalin. Therefore, on the eve of the 93rd anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution, we must once again focus attention on the role of Stalin.
His role in the events of 1917 are huge: as the closest associate of Lenin, Stalin was directly involved in the leading of all the preparations for the uprising. Arriving in Petrograd on 12 March 1917 - when Lenin was still in exile, and arrived before Trotsky, Bukharin and Grigory Zinoviev, Stalin was actively involved in the work of the Party: by decision of the Bureau of the Central Committee he was elected to the editorial board of newspaper “Pravda”, and later included in the presidium of the Bureau of the Central Committee, which included young Petrograd Bolsheviks underground activist Molotov and others. On March 18 the Bureau of the Party Central Committee decided to delegate J.V. Stalin to the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers and Soldiers Deputies. During the three weeks before the arrival of Lenin, Stalin was the first person in the Bolshevik Party and in fact led the Central and Petrograd party Committees and the newspaper Pravda.
From March to December 1917, Stalin had written and published over 60 articles in the newspapers "Pravda", "Soldier's Truth", "Proletarian Cause," "Workers and soldiers, "The Proletariat ", "Robochy"and" Rabochy Put’” .
At the April conference of RSDLP (b), J.V. Stalin spoke in support of the Leninist policy for the socialist revolution, as well as a speaker on the national question. Stalin had a clear line between principled recognition of the right of nations to self-determination up to secession and the formation of an independent state and the desirability of such an secession: "While recognizing the oppressed peoples right to secede, the right to decide their political destiny, we do not decide, thus the question of whether at this time some of the nations should separate from the Russian state. I can recognize the nation’s right to secession” - said Stalin - but that does not mean that I order that nation to do it. People have the right to secede, but, depending on conditions, may not exercise this right. "
Following the publication of the "April Theses" the authority of the Bolsheviks among the people grew rapidly, the crisis in the Provisional Government exacerbated, and to everyone, even in the bourgeois circles, it became clear that a dramatic denouement was inevitable and that the Bolsheviks would play a leading role.
In the days of the June crisis, when the Bolsheviks held back the willingness of the Petrograd workers to go on a demonstration with weapons, which would be a pretext for the Provisional Government to defeat the Bolshevik organization and the growing revolutionary movement, together with Sverdlov, Stalin led the Bolshevik faction of the Petrograd Soviet, spoke at various conferences and meetings of the Bolsheviks, gave in the press a clear description of the situation, and expressed the policy considerations for the future strategy and tactics of the party. In particular, he stressed: "The war and the related to this collapse, is exacerbating class antagonisms to the utmost. The policy of compromise with the bourgeoisie, the policy of maneuvering between revolution and counterrevolution is clearly untenable." In his characteristic laconic style, Stalin formulated the most pressing problem: "The first commandment is not to succumb to the provocations of the counter-revolutionaries, but to arm yourselves with self-control and composure, to preserve power for the coming struggle, to prevent any premature actions."
After the failure on the front, in Petrograd, spontaneous demonstrations broke out. On the evening of July 3, some military units and workers who joined them from the Putilov and other factories of the capital, took to the streets. The demonstration was under the slogans: "Down with the Provisional Government", "All power to the Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies". The Bolsheviks led the movement to give it an organized character.
On July 4, 500 thousand workers, soldiers and sailors once again held a demonstration. This demonstration was shot at. The Provisional Government declared martial law in Petrograd. Arrests were made and the editorial and printing headquarters of Pravda, ransacked and vandalised. On July 6, an order was made for the arrest of Lenin. The Socialist Revolutionary SR-Menshevik Central Excecutive Committee (TsiK) of the Soviets recognized the "unlimited power and unlimited authority" behind the Provisional Government.
By decision of the Central Committee, V.I. Lenin went into hiding. Disquised, he was secretly transfered to Razliv station to the house of Bolshevik worker N. Emelyanov. J.V. Stalin maintained close contact with V.I. Lenin, and on his instructions directly led the Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party.
His organizational work was now aimed at softening the blow of the counter-revolution, to prevent the defeat of the Bolshevik organizations. At an emergency conference of the Petrograd Bolshevik organization, J.V. Stalin made a report to the Central Committee of the July events. Here he gave an analysis of the new development stage of the revolution: "As Marxists, we should approach the crisis of power not only from a formal point of view, but, above all, from a class standpoint. The crisis of power is a tense, open class struggle for power. " "The peaceful period of development of the revolution is over. A new period had arrived, a period of violent conflicts, skirmishes and clashes. Life will seethe, crises will alternate. Soldiers and workers will not be silent."
Thanks to Stalin the party came out of the critical situation with few losses. But his particularly large role was in the preparation and the VI Party Congress (July 26 - August 3, 1917.) that took the historic decision to adopt the course towards seizing power through armed insurrection.
The VI Congress of the Party was led by Stalin and Y.M. Sverdlov. At the Congress, J.V. Stalin made a report to the Central Committee with concluding remarks, as well as a report on the political situation in the country. Guided by Lenin's instructions, he proved the need for a temporary rejection of the slogan "All Power to the Soviets", while stressing the need to work in the Soviets as organs for the revolutionary mobilization of the masses. Noting in the resolution that a peaceful transition to power of the Soviets was impossible, Congress temporarily dropped the slogan "All Power to the Soviets" and pointed out that "the right slogan at the present time can only be the total elimination of the dictatorship of the counter-revolutionary bourgeoisie."
The congress also noted, that since the April Conference, the number of primary Party organizations had increased from 78 to 162, while the number of the Bolsheviks had increased from 100 thousand to 240 thousand. The Resolution of the Congress stressed that a socialist revolution was the only way out of economic ruin, from the imperialist war, and a key to the preservation of national independence and autonomy of Russia. The congress justified the economic program of the party and determined the prerequisites for rebuilding the economic life of the country on a socialist basis.
In September 1917, J.V. Stalin wrote: "The counter-revolution has not yet been broken. It has only retreated, hiding behind the Kerensky government. The revolution should take this second line of trenches of the counter-revolution, if it wants to triumph." "The task of the proletariat is to close ranks and tirelessly prepare for the impending battles.”
In the crucial weeks in October 1917, J.V. Stalin was at the centre of the main events. On October 10, a meeting of the Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party was held. V.I. Lenin spoke with an analysis of the current situation: "We now have the majority behind us. Politically, the situation is fully ripe for a taking power ... The political situation, therefore , is mature. We must speak of the technical aspect. That is the crux of the matter. Nevertheless we, like the defencists, are inclined to regard the systematic preparation of an uprising as something in the nature of a political sin."
J.V. Stalin vigorously defended Lenin's position, outlined in his report in his own own words: "It would be unworthy pedantry to demand that Russia "wait" with socialist transformations, until Europe “is ready".
Stalin stood firm on the positions of V. Lenin, resolutely and consistently defending them in the fierce debate with the Trotskyists, panicly afraid of an armed uprising of the revolutionary workers and soldiers. He tirelessly promoted the ideas of Lenin in the workers’ environment, first of in Transcaucasia, subsequently - Petrograd and throughout Russia. Appreciating the value of V.I. Lenin's own destiny, Stalin said: "There, in Russia, under Lenin's guidance, I became one of the masters of the revolution" (Stalin. works, Vol.8, p.175).
On October 16, the Central Committee elected the Party Centre to direct the uprising headed by Stalin. The Party centre was the core of leadership of the Military Revolutionary Committee of the Petrograd Soviet and led the uprising. In his speech to the Party Central Committee, rejecting the defeatist proposals of Zinoviev and Kamenev, who opposed the uprising, Stalin declared: "What Kamenev and Zinoviev are proposing objectively leads to the possibility for the counter-revolution to prepare and organize. We are forever going to retreat and lose the revolution. Why should we not secure the possibility of choosing the date of the uprising and the conditions not to allow to the counter-revolution to organize itself?" (Stalin. Works, Vol. 3, pp. 381).
Early in the morning of October 24, Kerensky ordered the closure of a central organ of the RSDLP (b) - the newspaper "Rabochy Put’" - and sent armored vehicles to the editorial offices and printing plant of “Rabochy Put’”. But by 10 am on the orders of Stalin, the Red Guards and revolutionary soldiers drove off the armored cars and set up a heavy guard at the printer and publisher. By 11 o'clock, "Rabochy Put’" was published with an front page editorial written by Stalin, "What do we need?", call on the people to overthrow the bourgeois Provisional Government. At the same time, as directed by the Party Centre, detachments of revolutionary soldiers and Red Guards were rushed to Smolny (the government building). The uprising began on October 24. On the evening of October 25 the II Congress of the Soviets was opened, having transfered all power to the Soviets.
After the death of Vladimir Lenin in 1924, J.V. Stalin publicly gave his solemn oath of honor to carry on the victorious banner of the Great October Revolution. And that oath he held fast to, that for many decades, caused fury of external and internal class enemies of the proletariat, who sought to destroy everything that was created by the Soviet people under his wise leadership.
The Great October Socialist Revolution radically changed the situation in the world. It divided the world into two systems, capitalist and socialist. In the USSR, socialism has suffered a temporary defeat, and now on Soviet soil triumphs bourgeois counter-revolution. But the advantages of the socialist system is still clearly shown by states remaining faithful to the ideals of socialism - the Republic of Cuba and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK). These countries today are beacons for the oppressed peoples struggling against capitalist slavery.
The Bolsheviks in the former Soviet Union continue to struggle against the anti-Stalinist slanderous propaganda, being instilled by the bourgeois government. So, the cause of the Great October Socialist Revolution, the cause of V.I. Lenin and J.V. Stalin, as the instigators and organizers of its victory, will continue.
Yekaterina Fatyanova, AUCPB


"These trends are clearly seen primarily in two major centres of business activity in the capitalist world - IN WESTERN EUROPE AND NORTH AMERICA, WHERE TO DATE ARE FOUND THE MOST POWERFUL FINANCIAL-INDUSTRIAL GROUPS OF THE JEWISH BOURGEOISIE. In Europe, this is the Rothschilds group, whose name is associated with the entire history of Zionism and in the U.S. – the relatively new Lazarov banking group: THESE ARE FIVE MAJOR INVESTMENT BANKING WALL STREET FIRMS ... forming the basis of two of the most significant Jewish monopoly groups" (the Limenov groups and Loeb - Bronfman – Beych groups)."... In the hands of the above-mentioned five major Jewish investment banking firms on Wall Street are always up to 23% of the shares of large industrial companies in the U.S.. SOMETIMES THIS FIGURE REACHES 40%. Representatives from these firms cover about 15% of directorships in 1000 various corporations in the country.
The influence of major Jewish capital in the economies of the capitalist countries is maintained not just BY ITS FIRM POSITIONS, BUT IN INDIVIDUAL STATES AND BY ITS LEADING POSITIONS IN THE SPHERE OF CREDIT-FINANCE AND TRADE, WHICH REMAIN TO THIS DAY, THE PRINCIPAL AND TRADITIONAL BUSINESS OF THE JEWISH BOURGEOISIE. Over the past decade, the financial sphere of influence of the bourgeoisie of Jewish descent has gone far beyond these areas and has spread to many sectors of material production - mining, oil and chemical industries, transportation, publishing, advertising and the newspaper business, enterprise culture and the media outlets. In recent years, Jewish finance capital in corporations, firms and companies in the military-industrial complex has played a more prominent role.
“….THEIR WEALTH, ORGANIZATION AND LEADING POSITION PROVIDE AN OPPORTUNITY FOR UNLIMITED INFLUENCE IN DETERMINING U.S. POLICY." (V.I. Kiselev. Zionism in the imperialist system / / International Zionism: history and politics. M., 1977., P. 7-8,10).
"It is no exaggeration to say that the BRANCHING AROUND THE WHOLE WORLD and at the same time a strictly centralized system of organizations of International Zionism combined with a POWERFUL FINANCIAL-ECONOMIC BASIS in the face of a monopoly bourgeoisie of Jewish descent with a large, often DOMINANT INFLUENCE OVER THE MEDIA, CULTURE AND STATE PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION APPARATUS of leading capitalist states, IS THE MAIN SOURCE OF STRENGTH AND EFFECTIVENESS OF ZIONIST INFLUENCE OVER POLICY of a number of leading capitalist states. To date, INTERNATIONAL ZIONISM by degree of the branching out of their organizations, their range of activities and international relations, the depth of penetration into the sphere of Jewish communities, as well as in different spheres of political, economic and social life in capitalist countries has no equal ... AMONG OTHER ORDERS OF WORLD REACTION " (ibid., p. 15).
"..." A Zionist organization... has the possibility and ability to achieve what is OUTSIDE THE AUTHORITY AND JURISDICTION OF THE STATE, and in this lies the SUPREMACY OF A ZIONIST ORGANIZATION OVER THE STATE ... The state and the Zionist movement complement each other, need each other"... ZIONISTS HAVE DIRECTED THEIR STRENGTHS... ON A GLOBAL SCALE – TOWARDS THE CREATION OF A QUASI-INTERNATIONAL RIGHTS EDUCATION TO ENJOY THE RIGHTS OF SUPRANATIONAL (ABOVE-STATE) ORGANIZATIONS ... "(ibid., p. 73, 75).
"It becomes even more evident the unseemly role of those who encourage Israeli extremists - THE ROLE OF U.S. IMPERIALISM AND INTERNATIONAL ZIONISM AS AN INSTRUMENT OF THE AGGRESSIVE IMPERIALIST CIRCLES ... In many parts of the world, including Israel, the Zionist organizations and the Israeli government have become THE MAIN TOOLS OF POLITICAL AND IDEOLOGICAL STRUGGLE OF IMPERIALISM AGAINST SOCIALISM AND COMMUNISM, AGAINST THE SOCIALIST COUNTRIES AND ESPECIALLY AGAINST THE SOVIET UNION "(ibid.).
“…. UP TO 80% OF AMERICAN AND INTERNATIONAL WESTERN MEDIA OUTLETS ARE UNDER THE INFLUENCE OF INTERNATIONAL ZIONIST CENTRES. In many countries, the bourgeois Zionist organizations have placed their own "cadres" and "sympathetic" into the central elements of the press, editorial radio, in television, film, science, art and literature. USING THESE POWERFUL LEVERS, THE ZIONISTS INFLUENCE PUBLIC OPINION, DIRECTLY OR INDIRECTLY PREACHING THEIR IDEAS, REMAIN SILENT OR DISTORT EVERYTHING THAT IS EVEN THE SLIGHTEST DEGREE AGAINST THEIR IDEOLOGY" (Ideology and practice of international Zionism., 1978, p. 97, 98).
"A SIGNIFICANT role for ZIONISM lies in the strategy of imperialism to create within the individual socialist countries - through the Zionist-minded elements, with the help of all sorts of revisionist and nationalistic concepts - ENCLAVES OF OPPOSITION to the people's system with the aim of eliminating it through a "SILENT COUNTER-REVOLUTION"... Unfolding the FRONT OF IDEOLOGICAL SABOTAGE with the aim of undermining the socialist society, BREAKING IT UP FROM WITHIN, Zionist organizations attracted ZIONIST intellectuals FOR THIS, COVERED BY A MASK OF "LIBERALS" AND "FIGHTERS FOR DEMOCRACY AND HUMAN RIGHTS" (ibid., p. 105).
"To strengthen political subversion against the socialist countries, international Zionism brought their own strong points closer to their borders. Such SUBVERSIVE CENTRES AND ORGANIZATIONS OF ZIONISM, with close ties to the intelligence services of the imperialist states, settled in West Berlin, Brussels, Paris, London and Vienna. All of them, coordinating with each other activities against the socialist countries, COLLECT AND HANDLE MATERIAL ... , ENGAGE IN IDEOLOGICAL AND POLITICAL SABOTAGE, etc ... According to the London Sunday Telegraph, "TEL AVIV HAS BECOME KNOWN IN WORLD INTELLIGENCE AS A KIND OF INTERNATIONAL MARKETPLACE FOR INTELLIGENCE DATA", supplied by the Zionists who infiltrated the socialist countries" (ibid., p. 106).
"Evidence suggests that a typical example of the unity of racism and chauvinism is specifically Zionism, which CURRENTLY IS ASSIGNED THE ROLE OF THE GUNS OF WORLD REACTION ... Many people increasingly find clear the TRUE scale of the danger posed by the IDEOLOGY AND ACTIONS OF INTERNATIONAL ZIONISM FOR ALL PEACE-LOVING, DEMOCRATIC FORCES OF THE PLANET AND ITS FUTURE ... Its SPECIAL DANGER lies in the variety of forms and methods of struggle, and the ability to change them depending on the situation, in the POSSIBILITY OF CONCENTRATING ENORMOUS FORCES AND MEANS TO FIGHT AGAINST SOCIALISM" (ibid., p. 265).


In recent years the process of convergence of Bolshevism with the labour movement has begun to unfold. This is due to both the systematic and consistent work of the AUCPB (All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks) in the labour movement and activities of the VSR (All-Ukrainian Workers’ Union), the organization, the closest to the masses of working people, to labouring, worker collectives.
We have previously mentioned in the pages of our newspaper that the activists of the VSR (which is, for the most part, members of the Communist Party of Ukraine (KPU)) have begun to be expelled in scores out of the KPU for criticizing the opportunist line of the KPU, its leadership and its support for small and medium businesses, and flirting with religion and the Orthodox Church, for its actual rejection of revolutionary forms and methods of struggle, the rejection of the preparation of the working class in Ukraine for a socialist revolution aimed at overthrowing the power of the bourgeoisie and the restoration of Soviet power (the dictatorship of the proletariat). The leader of the VSR, editor of "Working Class" Comrade A.V. Bondarchuk has also been expelled from the KPU.
Of course, we Bolsheviks are wholly in support with the VSR, which, as well as our Party, stated the need to break with opportunism in the communist and workers' movement and work in the working class and toiling masses of Ukraine on the preparation and implementation of a socialist revolution. Our support we have previously mentioned in the pages of the Workers 'and Peasants' Truth ", in July at a meeting of the Ukraine Buro of the Central Committee of the AUCPB adopted a statement on the support of the editorial board of the newspaper of VSR “Working Class" ( "RKP” № 8 (149)), published articles in support of Comrade Bondarchuk and other leaders of the labour movement. For its part, the editors of the “Working Class" have also carried out reprints of our articles from the AUCPB newspaper in Ukraine "Raboche-Krestyanskaya Pravda", while in number 44 (483) my article "The Communist Party and the dictatorship of the proletariat" was published, written specifically for this newspaper.
But during the presidential election campaign, in the Ukraine Buro of the AUCPB Central Committee and the Soviet of VSR began to appear different approaches to tactics in these elections.
We, developing tactics, said that all candidates for the highest office in the state are the representatives of the bourgeoisie, and that whoever was the victor, the power will still remain in the hands of major oligarchic capital. Moreover, all 18 years of so-called independence indicates that the power of the bourgeoisie in Ukraine has strengthened, that the bourgeoisie is now the true master of the situation in the country. Hence our conclusion: we Bolsheviks have nothing to do in these elections. The main task we have seen and see now, is to explain to the working people of working in Ukraine the futility of the election campaign, to expose the parliamentary illusions and raise the working people to lead the working class in the struggle to overthrow the power of capital.
The VSR though, decided to support Yanukovych in these elections. When for this decision, we subjected comrade Bondarchuk to friendly criticism, he is in his article "You are my friend, but the truth – is dearer " ( "WC” № 3 (490), January 2010), began to teach us Marxism-Leninism and the ability to apply the methodology in making tactical decisions.
Here is what he wrote: "So ... secretary of the CC AUCPB of Ukraine Anatoly Mayevsky, analyzing the current pre-election situation, turns his attention not on the search for an approach of Communist agitators to our real present workers with their current level of consciousness, but immediately leaned towards advice - for who or against to vote (see article by A. Mayevsky “Mopping up the territory" in newspaper Raboche-Krestyanskya Pravda (Workers 'and Peasants' Truth”) № 1, 2010). …..with this approach, the whole election "tactic" is to correctly mark ballots: in 2004, the AUCPB decided to put a tick in front of the name of Yanukovych, then in 2010 - in the box "against all".” And further, Comrade Bondarchuk says that 99% of the workers of the industrial Eastern Ukraine are today for Yanukovich, so let A. Mayevsky try "today to go to the workers of Donbas or Kharkov with his tactic "to vote against all candidates".” But if you act in accordance with the Resolution of the VSR prepared on the recommendations of Lenin, then everything will turn out: the workers of Donbass and Kharkiv will listen to me, and I (further quoting Lenin) "I can explain in popular fashion not only why Soviets are better than Parliament ..." (PSS, v.41, p.73).”
"That's why we must support voting for Yanukovych" - teaches us comrade Bondarchuk.
And there is a lot of what the leader of the VSR is trying to teach us. It turns out that "we have no tradition of in-depth study of scientific communism and the adoption of practical solutions based on precisely the methodology of Marxism. Instead, a passion for slogans, cabinet closed doorishnesss and an inexplicable attraction to the same elections.
"For us the Communists, it's time to finally understand a few simple things. Without a revolutionary Marxist-Leninist theory there can be no question of socialism - this is firstly. But theory alone is not enough: we must still connect it with the living labour movement – this is secondly" – this bit is all true so far. But then this gem: "Thus, almost everything is ready: the theory has been developed by Marx, Engels and Lenin, and, the labour movement is conditioned by capitalist production. We still have one thing left to do – and that is to combine the first with the second, Marxist theory with the workers' movement ", - concludes comrade. A. Bondarchuk.
And he ends his critical article with the slogans: "Support V. Yanukovich! Long live the revolutionary working class!”
A brilliant connection of Yanukovych - the authorized representative of major oligarchic capital, the main enemy of the working class, with the revolutionary working class. This is something new in Marxist-Leninist theory, worthy of such a "profound theoretician" and "expert" of Marxism-Leninism as comrade Bondarchuk.
I am compelled to respond to the criticism from the respected leader of the VSR.
About cabinet closed doorishness. This is a completely false allegation. The ruling bourgeois regime is in a constant struggle with the Bolsheviks, persecutes and even destroys our activists. In 1996, member of the Central Committee of the AUCPB, Hero of the Soviet Union, Comrade S.P. Subbotin (Cherkasy) was killed on his way back home from his dacha. In October 1997, Party organiser of the CC AUCPB in Kharkov region Comrade A.L. Bondarenko, a man closely associated with the labour movement of Kharkov, who had great authority in the Working (Trudovaya) Kharkov, and in the communist and leftist movement of the city and region was killed in a deliberately set-up car crash. And after this, the security services began vigorously to break up the Kharkov Party organization, by the infiltration into them of provocateurs. Of course, we found them them, and expelled from the party, but they did a lot of dirty deeds, but were unsuccessful in destroying the organization. On May 1, 2005 a gangster style attack was carried out on member of the Central Committee of the AUCPB Comrade V.G. Koshevogo (Donetsk), one of the leaders of the Donetsk city organization of the Union of the workers. Comrade Toshevoy then spent nearly two months with the most severe concussion, lost his health, his activity decreased sharply, and in December 2008 he died prematurely. The same bandit attacks on our activists with their destruction take place in Russia. Special services are not averse to any kind of provocation, attacks on the Bolsheviks from behind the corner, trying to compromise, etc. etc. Straight away I say that we, Bolsheviks, can not intimidated by anyone. And in the place of our fallen comrades others will certainly come and others have come. No sooner had our newspaper "Workers 'and Peasants' Truth" (January 1997) had time to see the light, when the editor immediately began to face prosecution "for anti-state activities and calls on the people" with attempts by the authorities to close the newspaper. For about three years the court case continued, but the editors managed to defend its right to carry the word of truth to the working people and win the case. Some time later, the editor had spend two years suing the Pension Fund of Ukraine (Mukachevskij department) having attempted to strangle the newspaper financially. And we won these court cases. The newspaper continues to go now for the 14-th year, and continues to spread the Bolshevik word to the masses of working people. This is with regard to "cabinet closed doorishness”.

About the “inexplicable pull to those same elections”.
Comrade Bondarchuk suggests elections. The AUCPB has never had a pull towards elections.
"AUCPB - as noted in our party program - its main task specifies: the conquest of the working class political power, establishing a dictatorship of the proletariat, the abolition of private ownership of means of production, elimination of exploitation of man by man, the restoration of a socialist society, the revival of the USSR, the development of socialism and the construction of communism." There, in the Program of the AUCPB it says: "To establish the dictatorship of the proletariat is possible only through a socialist revolution, as the bourgeoisie one will never peacefully give up power. And one more position of our Party Program I would like to give: "The main activity of the AUCPB in the communist movement – is its Bolshevization, meaning the return of the communist movement to the theory and practice of Marxism-Leninism with the demands of the modern era. Bolshevisation - is first of all, a policy of the revolutionary change in the current bourgeois socio-economic system. Bolshevisation - is the relentless and uncompromising struggle against opportunism and revisionism. Without the ideological defeat of the bourgeois parties operating in the ranks of the working class, pushing backward sections of the working class into the arms of the bourgeoisie and destroying the unity of the working class - victory of the proletarian revolution will be impossible. "With reformists and Mensheviks in their ranks, it is impossible to victor in the proletarian revolution and impossible to defend it" (V.I. Lenin)".
Where did you, dear comrade Bondarchuk, see here "a pull towards to parliamentarism?” And Ukraine Buro of the CC AUCPB in its practical political activities and making tactical decisions is constantly guided by our party program. Even at the II Congress of the AUCPB (February 1996), General Secretary of the AUCPB comrade Nina Alexandrovna Andreeva in her report stressed: "Is the parliamentary way of transition to socialism possible today? In our opinion, practically impossible. Today, after the temporary defeat of the world socialism, the imperialist bourgeoisie makes it clear that it will not give power to working people without a severe and intense struggle. According to mafia Chief "voucherizor" Chubais, a return to socialism can only be achieved through a civil war. At the slightest threat to their rule in Russia and to international imperialism, they will not stop short of the armed suppression of the will of the people, or the organization of foreign military intervention. In the era of the modern stage of imperialism, parliament is practically deprived of the opportunity not only for the socialist reform of society, but in general, the ability to radically influence the policy of state-monopoly capital. Parliaments, Senates, City Councils and Dumas are today, a screen for the financial oligarchy and safety valves for the timely letting off of steam of popular discontent ... In the parliaments and senates of many western countries, the Communist opposition is well blended into a legitimate niche of imperialist regimes. Its leaders are aging and dying in parliamentary seats. Those who have gone, are replaced with new leader-Communists, who also find it convenient and a privilege to be members of Parliament or the Senate. Communist parties often become appendages of their parliamentary factions that have become hotbeds of opportunism and compromise. Euro-communism grew out of parliamentary departments. The crisis of the idea of a parliamentary road of transition to socialism means that for the working class and its allies, parliamentary games by the rules of modern imperialism are completely hopeless ... It is not parliamentary reforms, but revolution which is the only real way of transition to socialism."
Here, comrade Bondarchuk, is the attitude of our party to parliamentarism and the parliamentary struggle. "It is not parliamentary reforms, but revolution which is the only real way of transition to socialism." In this direction our party does its work. You yourself, as until recently a member of the Central Committee of Communist Party of Ukraine, several times elected to Parliament and was a member of the communist faction. And all your activists of the VSR were deeply involved in numerous campaigns. Thus, you until very recently were infected with the “pull towards elections”.
Another thing. The fact that I am immediately inclined to advise - for whom or against whom to vote" (Comrade Bondarchuk refers to my article "Purging the territory " "RKP” № 1, 2010). And that our Bolshevik voting "tactics" are "reduced to the proper filling out of ballot papers: in 2004, the AUCPB decided to place a tick next to Yanukovych, and in 2010 - in the box "against all candidates". It would be interesting for me to know where in the article "Purging the territory" comrade Bondarchuk saw the advice "to put a tick against all candidates"? One should also be able to know how to read so as to attribute to his opponent what he did not say. In the article "Purging the territory" there is no word about how to vote. All my article "Purging the territory" is devoted to one subject. Namely. For nearly 19 years on the territory of, "liberated" and "free" Ukraine it has been ruled by capitalism. Over these 19 years, Ukraine's population of 52 million people has decreased to 39 (approximately a 6.5 million people population decline, and about the same amount go abroad in search of work and opportunities to earn a piece of bread, i.e., a decrease of at least 13 million people).. All the clans of the bourgeoisie - and Yushchenko and Tymoshenko, and Yanukovich, and others, are caring only about one thing, about maximizing profits and surplus profits thanks to ruthless exploitation and plunder of the working people. And all of their presidential election battle boils down to one thing – to take the highest office in the State to ensure that, having in their hands the levers of power, much of the profits fall into the pockets and bank accounts of the group of capital, whose representative has become president. And the main task facing the Bolsheviks, in the face of all the political forces that are not in words but in deeds, fighting for the abolition of bourgeois power, is to "raise the working class to fight for their rights, for the overthrow of the bourgeoisie, and firmly discredit the remnants of electoral illusions." That is the difference, comrade Bondarchuk,: to strongly debunk the remnants of electoral illusions, and not "vote against all." Comrade Bondarchuk simply misinformed readers of newspaper “Working Class" of the position of the AUCPB in this presidential election campaign. Revolutionaries-Communists, the leaders of the labour movement may not agree with each other in some things, including in matters of tactics. But they, in arguing, should truthfully express the position of their opponent, and not distort it. The controversy between comrades in the struggle must be conducted honestly, dear comrade Bondarchuk.
Likewise, comrade Bondarchuk distorts our position on the 2004 elections. At that time a representative of the neo-fascist Banderite group of capital, Yushchenko was eager to get into power. Behind him stood American, western capital. At the meeting of the Ukraine Buro of the Central Committee of the AUCPB, held in August 2004, we discussed the situation and concluded that the main task of the moment was to Stop fascism (that was the name of my report at the meeting of the Ukraine Buro CC AUCPB) in the face of Yushchenko surging to power. Keenly aware that the chances of reaching the second round were held only by Yanukovych and Yushchenko, we called on the voters of Ukraine in the second round vote to against Yushchenko. This meant that we were forced to vote for Yanukovich - the representative of a major oligarchic bourgeoisie and the exploiters and oppressors of the working people. But there is no other way to stop the fascist presidential candidate at present"- stated in the Decree of the Ukraine Buro of the CC AUCPB (see "RKP” № 9 (90), 2004; here I want to note that the printing of that issue of the newspaper was delayed by almost 3 weeks since the printers, where our newspapers are published, were simply afraid to release it, so the newspaper had been produced in another printing plant, and immediately censored, the editors spending two weeks trying to find a way to publish the newspaper) . No, because at that time there was no revolutionary situation, or other opportunities, we had no other option but to vote in the second round against the President, to stop this puppet of U.S. imperialism and the heir to Bandera and the Nazis,. At the same time, we explained to the workers that "the working class, the working people of Ukraine through presidential-parliamentary election campaigns would not come to power" and that "whoever wins the presidential election, ... the power will still remain in the hands of capital in the hands of one or another faction of the bourgeoisie", and we urged the working class, working people up to fight for the overthrow of the power of capital. That is our position in that period. In reaching this decision, we also realized that, behind Yanukovych are powerful financial-industrial groups of the Eastern regions of Ukraine closely connected with Russia's capital, that in the case of Yanukovych coming to power, perhaps will be a strengthening on a bourgeois basis naturally, the Ukrainian-Russian relations (political, economic, financial, etc.) that will allow to strengthen the economic potential of both Ukraine and the entire CES (Common Economic Expanse), which at that time was beginning to take shape in the 4-republics: Russia, Ukraine, Belarus and Kazakhstan. And this, in turn, will lead to the restoration and strengthening of relations between workers of the four Soviet republics, and would facilitate them to lead a joint struggle to overthrow the power of capital. Unfortunately, the Central Committee of Communist Party of Ukraine, after the Symonenko did not come out in the second round of presidential elections, spoke about not supporting any of the candidates in the second, and then the third round, as both are members of competing clans of the bourgeoisie. I recall that then, esteemed Comrade Bondarchuk was a member of the Central Committee of Communist Party of Ukraine. The result of this shortsighted position was that 1.4 million votes cast for Simonenko in the first round, were dispersed, and yet, at the correct position taken by then, most of these voters could have voted against President Yushchenko. The unfolded after the second round, of the so-called "Orange Revolution", carried out by hundreds of millions of U.S. dollars, brought to power Yushchenko. This pseudo-revolution clearly demonstrated that Yushchenko was necessary to U.S. imperialism as the puppet as president of Ukraine, was needed in order to wrest Ukraine from Russia, to oppose the two fraternal peoples against each other and turn Ukraine into a vassal state, completely dependent on the U.S. and the West and a possible military base, a springboard for US-NATO forces in the struggle of U.S. imperialism for global domination, with the subsequent enslavement of Russia and the seizure of untold natural resources and raw materials, primarily oil and gas. Coming to power, Yushchenko immediately liquidated the participation of Ukraine in the CES, and began to actively pursue the glorification of Bandera, the OUN-UPA, exercised a decisive turn back of Ukraine against Russia and a turn towards the U.S.. That is, with regard to where and when "to place the bird" in the elections, in the words of Comrade Bondarchuk.
But over the past five years of orange-rule in Ukraine, the situation in the country has changed.
Immediately after Yushchenko came to power, the competing among themselves for the election clans of the bourgeoisie, began to build bridges and establish contacts. The result was the signing in September 2005 of the "Declaration of Unity and cooperation for the future of Ukraine", signed by both Yushchenko and Yanukovych's Party of Regions. Yanukovych did not fulfilled his promises of Russian as a second language state, did not actively oppose the process of bringing Ukraine closer to NATO. For many months during 2008-2009, the negotiations were held between representatives of the Party of Regions (Yanukovych) and the BYT (Tymoshenko) to establish a joint coalition in parliament. But such a coalition, ultimately failed. Obviously, they were not able to share the portfolios of power and spheres of influence. So in these five years there began the process of rapprochement between competing clans of the bourgeoisie. And one of them - Yanukovych or Tymoshenko is now more pro-Moscow politician? It is difficult to say. At least, the gas contracts signed by Tymoshenko's government at the beginning of last year, set the price of gas for Ukraine is approaching to $ 400 per thousand m3, at a time when Prime Minister was Viktor Yanukovych (still under Kuchma) the price for a thousand m3 of gas was 49 USD. Putin and Medvedev are also known as the political representatives of big business in Russia, primarily of the oil and gas oligarchs. It is clearly, what price is more favorable to the oil and gas tycoons in Russia and those of the Ukrainian top politicians, in this regard, who they are more than satisfied with. Both Yanukovych and Tymoshenko sought support from the West, the EU and the United States and Russia. And forcing them to do so, first of all, are the the major capitalist groups that stand behind them. According to KIA (Committee of Voters of Ukraine), in the first round of elections both Yanukovych and Tymoshenko spent approximately $ 200 million on the election campaign (exactly half of the total cost of all presidential candidates). Both are supported by the richest people of Ukraine, the billionaires and multimillionaires, who seized the metallurgical, machine building, chemical and petrochemical plants and refineries, mines, mining and dressing enterprises, privatized the whole food and light industry, etc., etc. having formed their own banks and on the basis of the connection of industrial and financial capital, formed financial-industrial groups (FIGs). In particular, Yanukovych's support came from: Akhmetov (3.7 billion dollars according to the version of the magazine "Focus" at the beginning of 2009), A. and S. Klyuev (356.8 million dollars), V. Khmelnitsky (246.8 million) and other oligarchs. Tymoshenko, in turn had the support of I. Kolomoysky (2.3 billion), V. Haiduk (704.3 million), S. Taruta (673.8 million), etc.
It is therefore quite an untrue statement by the VSR Resolution by the Soviet "About the tasks of the VSR in connection with presidential elections in 2010" ( "RC» № 43 (482), November 2009) that Yanukovych would "dig in his heels - to create favorable conditions for domestic enterprises, ... create the material conditions for the existence of the working class - the main revolutionary force in capitalist society ... will raise the gravedigger of capitalism - what he does not "support" in this important matter for the Revolution! ". To this I wish to note one thing. Both factions of capital, and challenges for Yanukovych, and Tymoshenko will act in the same way: in the period of recovery, they will increase production, increase the size of the working class, in a recession (depression) - expel "unnecessary" people onto the street. Capitalism, dear members of the VSR, is raising its gravedigger - the proletariat, objectively, regardless of colour shades, political and ideological preferences. In this regard, both Yanukovych, and Tymoshenko are identical.
Nor is the allegation by Bondarchuk that 99% of the workers of the industrial east of Ukraine are today for Yanukovych. In order to more or less reliably know the mood of the workers, it is necessary that the newspaper published daily circulation of at least 0.5 million - one million copies. Then will be established a stable relationship with labour collectives, which will allow editors to monitor the mood of the working class. And since this figure is taken by comrade. Bondarchuk from the ceiling, to artificially justify the wrong, in our view, position of the VSR, especially in the first round of elections. There can not be 99% of workers supporting Yanukovych, supporting all these Akhmetovs Kolomoiskys, Tarutas, Zvyagilskys and similar bourgeoisie, which during the years of the “orange revolution” robbed the workers and seized for a pittance into their own hands the factories and mines, and hundreds of thousands, millions of people who are thrown out onto the streets, make unemployed, homeless, leaving their families and without a livelihood. (Currently, these bourgeoisie, as a result of intense competition, have dispersed to different political camps, but in the 1990-s, during the formative years of their financial and industrial empires, they robbed the workers all along, of course, each into their own pocket). As a result of this lawlessness, many Donbass mining towns have turned into ghost towns and villages and die out, because the mines, or even the only one mine, which provided residents work and livelihood are all closed. And comrade Bondarchuk believes that these miners and hundreds of thousands, and millions of unemployed people support their robbers? The respected leader of VSR is too disrespectful in relation to our working class.
But suppose that comrade Bondarchuk is right and the vast majority of workers of the eastern regions of Ukraine actually support Yanukovich, because of their backwardness and oppression. Surely this implies that in this case the party of the working class, labour leaders, communists, revolutionaries, i.e. Bolsheviks, should tail behind the workers and preserve their backward attitudes and views. No, of course not. This behaviour by a party is called tailism and it is not unique to a revolutionary party of the proletariat as "the highest form of class organization of the proletarians" (VI Lenin, Left-Wing "Communism”, an infantile disorder” MSS, v.41, p.33), but an opportunist party, trailing in the wake of the backward attitudes of the masses. In the same “Infantile Disorder ... " referred to by Comrade Bondarchuk, but he did not even bother to read, let alone to ponder over its contents, the essence of Lenin's conclusions, recommendations and advice, says: "The whole task of the communists is to be able to convince the backward elements, to work among them, and not isolate themselves from them with invented and childish "leftist" slogans "(ibid., p. 38). But comrade Bondarchuk, to justify his position of support for Yanukovych and win the support of the masses, said that Yanukovych is "our son of a bitch". The slogan is beautiful, which catches the eye, but it is not a Marxist one. "This is a son of a bitch, but it's our son of a bitch" - according to the American authors, memoirists, a review of the Nicaraguan dictator Anastasio Somoza (senior) of the 32 th U.S. President Franklin Roosevelt. (Collegiate Dictionary winged words and expressions ", author-compilor Vadim Serov). So the expression "our son of a bitch" bears no relation to Marxism. This expression comrade Bondarchuk, is trying to win the favor of the proletariat of Eastern Ukraine, indulging his backward classes and the mood and weaving into their tail. But V.I. Lenin from the very beginning of his revolutionary activities pointed out that "social democracy everywhere and always has been and cannot but be the representative of the conscious worker and not the non-conscious workers, that nothing could be more dangerous and criminal than demagogic flirting with the unconcious workers" (PSS, 4, P.315). And then he continues: "The task of social democracy is to develop the political consciousness of the masses, and not drag in the tail of the disfranchised masses" (ibid, P.315-316).
In our case this means the following. If a certain part of the workers, and working people of the eastern regions of Ukraine are for Yanukovich, due to their backward and downtrodden by poverty and hopelessness of life, then we Bolsheviks have to explain to them that Yanukovych is OUR CLASS ENEMY, the same as Timoshenko, (and in western and central regions of Ukraine where some definite, disoriented and deceived workers supported Timoshenko, we must explain to them that Timoshenko is OUR CLASS ENEMY, the same as Yanukovych), that with elections we can not change anything, because whoever comes to power, in any case, the power will remain with the bourgeoisie, or clan of Yanukovych or Tymoshenko's clan, that the working class has only one way to secure for themselves, their children and grandchildren a decent life and that it is to rise up to the struggle for the overthrow of bourgeois power and restore the power of the proletariat. Of course, we have told the workers that we are not talking about a revolution overnight, but that the fight must begin in the most elementary basic demands: ending wage arrears, payments of salaries, the provision of increase of salaries, pensions, stipends and other payments at a level no lower than the living wage; lower prices and tariffs for the most needed products, transportation and housing and communal services, etc., etc. And in the course of this struggle is to be forged the unity of the working class, class solidarity. And when the struggle spreads throughout the country when the fight is switched to workers in all occupations, as well as working intellectuals and peasants, this struggle will have to acquire a universal character, from the economic struggle it will grow into a political one. From here it would not be long before the general political strike, and then the socialist revolution would not be far off.
Namely based on this analysis, we Bolsheviks approached the campaign, saying that elections are a mechanism for strengthening the power of capital (this, incidentally, is shown by the entire short history of “independent” Ukraine), and that inside the parliament, workers have already long gone for good (this was in Lenin's time, during the Tsarist period, determined, though a disproportionately small part of the workers could get into the tsarist Duma on workers curiae, but now, when Parliament is elected from party lists, these lists of workers and working people are absent with none to be found in parliament, besides the Com. Party of Ukraine, several members of the working people of Ukraine attached obviously to no-go places) that the Ukrainian president could be a very rich person (ie, bourgeois) or a politician, serving the interests of a clan of the bourgeoisie, since workers need 2,5 million UAH only to ensure the nomination of a candidate (not to mention the need for tens of millions of dollars to conduct the election campaign) simply can not be found. Hence, we concluded that workers have nothing to do in these elections (by the way, 1/3 of voters in the first round did not take part, knowing that the presidential candidates absolutely do not care about the fate of working people and that someone who is elected president, the next day after his victory will forget and completely abandon his or her campaign pledges), and the Bolsheviks should use this campaign to expose the illusions of the election, to introduce revolutionary proletarian class consciousness into the ranks of the working people.
And yet another argument of the VSR and comrade Bondarchuk is in the need to support Yanukovych in the elections, to support him like a "rope supports a hanged man", referring to the "Left-wing communism – an infantile disorder”, by V.I. Lenin (PSS, 41, p.73). And Comrade Bondarchuk, proudly declares that the resolution of the VSR is based "strictly on the Leninist methodology outlined in "Infantile disorder”... ", and that" these tips by Lenin are almost 100% suited to our current situation! ".
Dear Comrade Bondarchuk thinks that if he pulled out of context a quotation of Lenin's work, not thinking about its content and not bothering to read all this work of Lenin, or even go beyond page 73, then such thoughtless citation is called "Leninist methodology "? A few pages earlier, Lenin shows that the Hendersons and Snowdens are petty-bourgeois leaders, analogs of the Russian Mensheviks (p. 70, 71). In general the whole ninth chapter of the “Infantile disorder... " is devoted to "Left-wing" communism in Britain, the alignment of political forces in this country by the beginning of 1920 (" Infantile disorder... " was written in April-May 1920). Lenin showed that representatives of big capital in Britain of that period were Lloyd George and Churchill (as we, in Ukraine today, such representatives of big business, the winners of the first round of elections were Mr. Yanukovich and Yulia Timoshenko). But Henderson and Snowden were the representatives of bourgeois parties (Henderson was one of the leaders of the Labour Party and the trade union movement; Snowden was a representative of the Independent Labour Party, the leader of its right wing). Lenin also said that in Britain of that period there were several small Communist groups and organizations, and he urged them to unite their efforts to unite and act together against the common enemy - the bourgeoisie. Representatives of these groups called for the advancement to socialism and the victory of the proletariat in a straightforward way, without compromise, flexibility and maneuvering. Lenin, however, refutes this straight-line tactics of the "Left" and says that once a significant part of the British working class follow their British Mensheviks, behind the Hendersons and Snowdens, then the Communists in order to win the masses over to their side, should support the electing of the British Mensheviks to help them come to power, to support "Henderson with their ballot just as the rope supports the hanged man". Why is such "help" to the Mensheviks from the Communists needed? The Communists, Lenin shows, should help the representative of the British Menshevism to come to power to ensure that the majority of the working class on its own experience could be convinced of the correctness of the British Communists, "i.e. in the utter uselessness of the Hendersons and Snowdens, in their petty and treacherous nature, and the inevitability of their bankruptcy." This in turn, will hasten the moment, "when on the soil of frustration by the Hendersons, the majority of workers can be a serious chance of success and quickly overthrow the Government of the Hendersons" (p.71). That's who should have been supported at that time in England when there was no revolutionary situation, by the British Communists, and supported from a single view that British workers would have seen the betrayal of the Mensheviks, their subservience to the bourgeoisie and, on receipt of such practical experience, which turned be from the Mensheviks and would go to the British Communists. An analogue of the Mensheviks, an analog of Henderson in Ukraine (not absolute but relative, of course) is P. Simonenko (Leader of the Communist party of Ukraine). Based on the guidance of Lenin, then it would be the time to vote for Symonenko, with the same aim, of course. This, by the way, is what we Bolsheviks proposed to workers in Ukraine elections in 1999, when into the second round came Kuchma and Simonenko (this was the highest achievement Simonenko and the CPU, and then the CPU rating because of its conciliatory position began to steadily decline). And we to the working people openly stated that no matter who at that time may come to power, the power will still remain with the bourgeoisie, as Kuchma, a representative of big business, and Simonenko - representative of the petty bourgeoisie, which, by their very nature, is politically, rather, serves, a particular clan of big capital. But given the fact that a large part of the masses of working people saw in Simonenko a true communist, and not a compromiser and petty-bourgeois figure, we then proposed to workers to vote for Symonenko, that they in the future, if Symonenko came to power and became president of Ukraine would be able to see for themselves on their experiences, his petty-bourgeois nature, his loyal service to the bourgeoisie, and not the working class, working people. (Incidentally, this version of arrival to power took place in Moldova, where the PCRM (Party of Communists of the Republic of Moldova) leader Vladimir Voronin was president of Moldova for 8 years and completely in the eyes of workers exposed himself, as bourgeois, and not communist in character, and demonstrated in practice the petty bourgeois nature of the PCRM). Simonenko was afraid to fight for the presidency, and between the first and second round of elections, the CPU practically turned its back on its own propaganda activities, that is, without a struggle gave the post to President Kuchma (just as Zyuganov, leader of the CPRF- Communist Party of the Rusina Federation did in 1996 when, in fact he won the second round of elections, but handed back power to Yeltsin). Now to vote for Symonenko makes no sense at all, because the CPU's popularity among the masses each year invariably falls and it was clear that Simonenko under no circumstances would make the second round, as was shown in the first round, where Simonenko took 6 th place.
Lenin, however, did not propose voting for representatives of big capital, since British workers were aware that they were their exploiters and oppressors. Comrade Bondarchuk has absolutely given no thought about what Lenin wrote, has perverted Lenin's advice and called it a "Leninist methodology.
This, my dear comrade Bondarchuk, is not Leninist methodology, but a perversion of Marxism-Leninism as a result of your superficial approach, your unwillingness to read this outstanding work of Lenin and understand its content. Leninist methodology, which is based on the dialectical materialist method, involves a comprehensive, concrete-historical class approach to the evaluation of phenomena, events in one country or another, accurate accounting of the placement of all classes, groups, strata, political parties operating in the country, consideration of the effect of external forces (i.e., an account of the international situation), to arrive at the correct tactics of Communists in a particular situation, at a particular historical period, and in a particular country. That is what, in particular, Lenin said in the same “Infantile disorder... ": the task is “to be able to lay the general and fundamental principles of communism to the specific relations between classes and parties, to the specific features in the objective development towards communism, which are different in each country and which we must be able to explore, find, guess "(p.74). Or even one sentence of Lenin: "One must have ones own head on their shoulders, so in each case one is able to work it out" (p.52).
Your own thoughtless citation led to the development of improper tactics in the first round of the elections. But this would not have been so terrible, if you had a tenacity worthy of a better use, in not defending your own incorrect tactics, pointing at the same time to the very superficial nature of your approach to Lenin's ideological and theoretical heritage. With this "knowledge" and "understanding" of Marxism-Leninism you simply cannot lead the workers' movement in Ukraine in a Bolshevik, revolutionary way, and will always be stray in broad daylight.
However in the same work, Lenin said, that in the second round and in the second ballot the Bolsheviks never rejected “support to the bourgeoisie against the tsarist regime" (p.56). Why, I hope this is understandable, because Capitalism is a higher stage of socio-economic development than feudalism, the political expression of which was the tsarist government.
Before us, the Bolsheviks, the question arose, for whom to vote in the second round, or, as in the first round, not to participate in the elections. Of course, while we could not follow the above example of Lenin, since Yanukovych and Tymoshenko are both representatives of large financial-oligarchic capital, but from its different groups and different political hues. But on the eve of the first round of elections in the media reported that 8 of the national-democratic parties, such as the Ruh and others like them "democrats", i.e., neo-banderovites, decided to support Tymoshenko. The very same Tymoshenko made in response to the unambiguous political gesture by appointing to a higher pension to the son of Roman Shukhevych - Hitler's servant and executioner, commander of the UPA - Yuri Shukhevych. That is, the Nationalist neo-banderovites decided to change their leader, and, instead of the completely bankrupt Yushchenko, made a bid for Tymoshenko, thereby seeking to extend their political existence. Of course, this can not happen. So we decided in the second round to vote against Tymoshenko, and hence we were forced to support Yanukovych, a representative of big business, because we do not currently have others ways to stop the march of nationalism in Ukraine. Being forced to vote for Yanukovich, while continuing to publicly expose the exploitative nature of bourgeois anti-national group of big business, whose interests he is politically – that was our tactics in the second round. To expose the bourgeoisie, to explain to the working class, working people of Ukraine the falsity of the promises of the representatives from both factions battling for power, to help the working people and dispel any illusions, calling on the workers to rise up to fight for their rights, as the only way to secure a decent life - these are tasks that we decided on in these presidential elections and not to turn away from them, pleading not with flashy and completely devoid of content phrases like "our son of a bitch", but carrying out consistent daily work of the Bolsheviks on propaganda and agitation among the masses of working people .
Especially revealing is the statement by A. Bondarchuk that "almost everything is ready: the theory is already developed by Marx, Engels and Lenin, well, and the labour movement conditioned by capitalist production. We still have one thing - to combine with the latter, the Marxist theory with the workers' movement.
How easily and simply. Bondarchuk had forgotten while Lenin instructed that "Our theory is not a dogma but a guide to action - Marx and Engels said ..." (the same "Infantile disorder...", p. 55). If Lenin and the Bolsheviks proceeded from the fact that Marx and Engels had it all developed, there would never have been the Great October Revolution. Marx and Engels in their time, in the second half of the 19 st. argued that the socialist revolution will occur more or less simultaneously in all or in the main capitalist countries. Lenin, however, investigating the development of capitalism in its imperialist stage, the highest, showed that due to the uneven development, socialist revolution will occur in several or even one country, which by then will form the objective conditions of revolution and will be a proletarian revolutionary party type, as a subjective factor in this revolution. (See "The Slogan of the United States of Europe" and "militant program of the proletarian revolution"). The Mensheviks, led by Plekhanov, an outstanding Marxist, but with an approach to Marxism that was not dialectical but metaphysical (in particular, in this issue), subjected Lenin for this conclusion to the most severe criticism. But the course of historical events confirmed the correctness of Lenin, who approached Marxism not dogmatically, and even less, not so simplistic as A. Bondarchuk. The Great October Socialist Revolution under the leadership of the Bolshevik Party led by Lenin, led to the victory of the proletarian masses of Russia, the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat from the wreckage of the destroyed during the revolution bourgeois state.
Moreover, his assertion that the theory has been developed by Marx, Engels and Lenin, A. Bondarchuk did not mention Stalin. And that means that he does not consider Stalin an outstanding theoretician of Marxism-Leninism, which is also fundamentally wrong. Such work by comrade Stalin as "Marxism and the National Question," “Dialectical and Historical Materialism", "Marxism and Problems of Linguistics, "Economic Problems of Socialism in the USSR" and others, as well as "A Brief History of the CPSU (b)” entered the treasury of Marxism -Leninism, and to discard the theoretical contribution Stalin in the further development of Marxist-Leninist doctrine, which means wilfully or unwillfully descending to the petty bourgeois pro-Khrushchev camp (i.e. Trotskyist) point of view.

What caused these errors of A. Bondarchuk?
Of course, not only his superficial knowledge of Marxism-Leninism and the lack of a dialectical approach to analyzing the current situation in Ukraine, which is replaced by mindless and uncritical citations.
The point lies elsewhere. Until recently, Comrade Bondarchuk, as a member of the Central Committee of Communist Party of Ukraine, was under the ideological control of the party. He was expelled from its ranks (in which, incidentally, is no tragedy, and we already wrote about this and fully supported the thrust of VSR activity in the working class), Comrade. Bondarchuk was free, in ideological and organizational aspects. The VSR Soviet was supported not only by us Bolsheviks, but also by a number of other leftist parties and organizations. Bondarchuk’s head went dizzy. Here on the pages of "Working Class" appeared "well-wishers, who began to push Bondarchuk and the VSR Soviet towards creating a "party of the working class”. Hence, aplomb, and the ambitions of Alexander Bondarchuk. I note that in the former Soviet Union now operate some 50 communist and leftist parties and organizations (this was said by Nina Andreeva, whilst reading a report at the 4 th Congress of the AUCPB in April 2005). Naturally, such a fragmentation of the communist movement plays into the hands of the bourgeoisie. And if comrade. Bondarchuk will create another party of the working class, it will only play into the hands of the bourgeoisie in Ukraine, because it once again splits the communist movement in the Ukraine, complicates (but does not stop it) the merging of Bolshevism with the workers and protest movement.
We want to remind A. Bondarchuk of the fate of Moiseenko, the talented leader of the left-wing of the Communist Party. He was also pushed by the security services, just playing on his ambitions to create a renewed Communist Party – the Communist Party of Workers and Peasants (CPRS). Where is the CPRS and its leader Vladimir Moiseenko? – They went into political oblivion. The same fate awaits the "party of the working class” which they are pushing comrade Bondarchuk into to creating. Pushed, we just have to say, by the Secret Service of Ukraine, to prevent the merging of Bolshevism with the workers and protest movement. Of course, nothing can stop this process, because it is objective. But simply additional obstacles occur on this path.
Our task, our obligation is to work together, join the protest movement of the working class, working people of Ukraine with Bolshevism, to build class consciousness in the ranks of the fighters, armed with the working class understanding of its historical mission, the gravedigger of capitalism and the builder of a classless communist society.

A. MAYEVSKY, secretary of the AUCPB

PS: The article was written towards the second round of presidential elections in Ukraine

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