The All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks (AUCPB), inheriting Bolshevik principles of the R.S.D.W.P. -R.S.D.W.P.(b) - A.U.C.P.(b) - of Lenin's policiy in the CPSU, is the highest form of proletarian class organisation, advanced detachment of the working class, acting in unity with the peasantry and labour intelligentsia, standing on the Party's positions for: the gain of political power - overthrowing the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie and establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat, the destruction of private ownership over the instuments and means of production, the revival of the USSR, the further strenghtening of the proletarian interests for the complete victory of socialism and gradual transition to communism. The ideological and theoretical basis of the AUCPB is formed by Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin, is their doctrine in its creative application and development in modern conditions. The AUCPB is a component of the global communist movement with the aim of communism triumphing over the whole planet.

Monday, 1 April 2013

FOR BOLSHEVISM - No 4 (121) APRIL 2013




Monthly AUCPB bulletin on workers’ movement in ex-USSR with additional reports specific to Britain’s hardest hit

No 4 (121) APRIL 2013

What is the position of the Bolsheviks regarding the Palestinian-Israeli conflict? The topic of events in this region of the Middle East is constantly in the media and therefore we need to clarify this issue.
In the very first instance we need to give a clear answer to this question: The All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks (AUCPB), in recognizing the right of peoples to self-determination, supports the Palestinian people's right to the establishment of an independent state with its capital in East Jerusalem.
After such an answer there may arise more questions. We’ll try to answer them.
The first question is: "How can you support radical Muslims and Islamic fundamentalists? After all the TV spews out that Palestinians are all evil Muslims... ".
This position is due to "Islamophobic" propaganda by the media. In fact, among the Palestinians there are Muslims, Christians and atheists.
On pro-Zionist "television", when they talk about the Palestinians, most often they show the Islamist militants of HAMAS. But the Palestinian resistance is by far not limited to HAMAS. Besides the fact that in the West
Bank, the Arab secular Fatah party
rules, we should also emphasize the activities in Palestine of leftist organisations, including socialist and communist ones.
These organizations include the Popular Front for the liberation of Palestine (PFLP), headquartered operates mainly in neighbouring Lebanon), the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (DFLP) and others. They favour an all-Arab socialist revolution. Their fighters are easily distinguished from the Islamists - they have red ribbons over their Palestinian scarves and the Islamists wear green ones). The founder of the above-listed organizations was George Habash, a Palestinian, who was born in an orthodox Christian family.
In the twentieth century, the Soviet Union supported the activities of the leftist Palestinian organizations, including through the structures of the KGB the supplying of arms and specialists.
Of course, we cannot ignore that among Leftist Palestinians there are nationalist and even
religious views. But if you read, for example, what the Russian Internet "communists" say, there are similar trends. Nationalism and religion is a phenomenon peculiar to the backward masses, where they will tail the Communists and wither out with the development of the revolutionary struggle and socialism.
Speaking of the Palestinian Islamists, we must pay attention to the fact that they are not North Caucasian Wahhabis. Wahhabism is a radical form of Islamic extremism and is the official religion of Saudi Arabia and backed by this same country.
In Palestine, there are Wahhabi, al-Qaeda organizations supported by the Saudis and the U.S. intelligence services, but they are scarce, and even the police of the Hamas party in the Gaza Strip have subjected them to harassment.
You may recall that in 2008, Hamas declared their support for Russia's actions for the protection of South Ossetia. In the early 2000s, Russian television showed an interview of one of the leaders of another Islamist organization - "Hezbollah" (operating in neighbouring Lebanon.) He spoke remarkable words: "We have heard about the Chechen fighters in Russia. They call themselves "warriors of Allah." But the warriors of Allah can not capture civilians and abuse them." As you can see, the North Caucasian Wahhabis benefit from support only from the Saudis and US provocateurs in the Middle East. Moreover, in the press, information has leaked that the "Chechen warlords" and their relatives keep money in Israeli financial institutions and buy luxury properties in Israeli Gush Dan region.
Thus, in summarizing – we can safely say that the Palestinians can in no way be compared to North Caucasian bandits. On the contrary, the "Chechen field commanders" have good contacts with Israel.
In conclusion, we have to add, that the ratio of
the relationship between the various Palestinian organizations is complex: sometimes they act in unity against Israel, which sometimes leads to armed clashes between the leftist Palestinians and various Isamists. Thus, one day in Gaza strip there was a skirmish between fighters of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) and the pro-Iranian group "Islamic Jihad", where a few people suffered gunshot wounds. The exchange of fire took place due to the fact that the rebels could not share the heights from where it was convenient
for shelling Israelis.
In view of the foregoing, another question arises: what is the view of the Bolsheviks on the Jewish state of Israel and why the idea of creating a Jewish state was once supported by Stalin's USSR?
Here again we recall the right of peoples to self-
determination. Jews also have the right to establish their own state in Palestine, therefore the Soviet Union in 1947 supported the creation of the Jewish state, but immediately, categorically condemned the policy of the imperialist, Zionist, pro-American circles in Israel. The Soviet Union condemned the Israeli military aggression against the Palestinian
Arabs, and demanded that Israel return to the borders defined by the United Nations. The aggressive Israeli military used against the neighbouring peoples made the word "Israel" itself a symbol of imperialism and Zionist fascism.
Obviously, the resolution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict lies on the path of a socialist revolution in the Middle East. When in Israel, Zionism is overthrown, and in Palestine and Israel peace-loving, socialist forces and communists come to power, then past hostility and the hatred between the Palestinian Arabs and Jews will become a thing of the past.
Only socialism will bring peace, equality and friendship for the peoples on the ancient lands of Palestine and Israel. But there is a long time to go before that – and ahead of the Palestinian and Jewish communist comrades stand many years of struggle against Zionism and all forms
capitalist inequality. The most important step in this direction should be the creation of a truly Bolshevik Leninist-Stalinist party of Jewish and Arab workers. This step still needs to be done.
By Ivan Pushkarev
Nina Andreeva a quarter of a century later remains committed to principles
March 13 marks the 25th anniversary of one event, which is unlikely to be remembered by many today, but which made a splash at the time both among supporters and opponents of Perestroika in the USSR. We are talking here about the publication in the Russian newspaper "Sovietskaya Rossiya” (Soviet Russia) of an article written by an ordinary lecturer from Leningrad, Nina Andreeva, entitled "I cannot give up principles," which was the first with a harsh criticism of Gorbachev's policy from below.
Within days, the entire article was reprinted in nearly a thousand newspapers across the Soviet Union. To the editors of the newspapers and to Nina Andreeva personally arrived many letters with words of solidarity and also those with sharp condemnation.
At the same time, the article really scared the architects of perestroika. For nearly a month following its publication, the authorities did not know what to say. The ideologist of perestroika, Alexander Yakovlev even wanted to resign, but Gorbachev held him back. At his insistence, Nina Andreeva’s letter was discussed by the Politburo of the CPSU. The result of the discussion was that Yakovlev prepared an article called "Principles of Perestroika, revolutionary thinking and action", published in "Pravda" on April 5. In this article, the letter by Nina Andreeva was called the "manifesto of anti-perestroika forces."
Today, 25 years later, the issues raised by Nina Andreeva in her letter, remain relevant and controversial. For some people, she is a Cassandra who predicted the death of Soviet civilization, but for others - a symbol of the reactionary and retrograde. At the same time, the current government is trying to flirt with the population using the legacy of the Soviet era, and most ambiguously. Widely publicized, for example, is the creating of interest to Stalin in society, and the constant debate about renaming Volgograd back to Stalingrad is proof of that.
Because of all this and everything that has changed over the years, we decided to talk with the author of the acclaimed letter, Nina Andreeva herself.
"FP": - Nina Alexandrovna, please tell our readers what motivated you into writing that letter? Was it when you clearly understood where the country was going?
N.A. - The fact that the country was not going where it should have been, I realized, in analyzing the statements made by Gorbachev himself and on his behalf, those announced in the Western media.
In the 1980-s, Soviet society was in a state of both excitement and confusion. To the head of state came a young General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU), Mikhail Gorbachev, from whom many expected and welcomed his "perestroika." Why? In society, changes were needed. By this time, there were a lot of unresolved issues. Among the major issues stood the deformation of socialism, the deformation of the ruling party along with the ideological degeneration of the CPSU. In fact there was a break by party from the people. And all of this on a backdrop of an open "demonstration" by the elitist intellectuals of their anti-Soviet nature. You may remember, for example, the anti-Soviet repertoire in theatres, especially in the staging of M.Shatrova, the printing of numerous articles in the press articles slandering the Soviet period, lies in the media against Stalin, disrespect to the war veterans, the overthrow of the historical significance of the Soviet Union in the Great Patriotic War and World War II, and many others.
All these problems were being openly discussed in society. Myself as university lecturer and curator of one of the student groups, of course, discussed the "burning" issues with my students. Most people over the demagoguery and trick phrases made by Gorbachev could not understand what was happening in reality and what was really behind "perestroika." I did not agree with much of what was happening with the 180 degrees turn of history, and therefore wrote my rather lengthy reply in the summer of 1987 to one of the newspaper articles that interested me. Part of my response was published. In January 1988, I wrote another response to an article in the same newspaper - "Leningrad worker." That one remained unanswered. In February 1988, a CC CPSU Plenum was held in which Yegor Ligachev had set the same issues that I had discussed in my letters to the "Leningrad worker." I sent copies of my two letters to four newspapers, including the "Sovietskaya Rossiya", which published a generalized and shortened version of my two letters prepared by me in the form of one article.
"SP": - When writing your article, did you think about how the rest of your fate would pan out? Were there thoughts that you might pass a certain threshold beyond which you would then begin a new life – a life of a public figure and politician?
N.A. No, I did not think about it and do not seek "fame." It was simply that I, as a member of the CPSU, as a teacher, and as a Soviet woman wanted to express my own views on the real aims of "perestroika", which were revealed to me by analyzing events in the country and the response of the West to those events. For example, a new interpretation of the name of the USSR (Union of Soviet Socialist Republics) that Gorbachev declared publicly at the UN in 1987 as being the Union of Soviet Sovereign Republics ...
In my publication, I wanted to draw the attention of the Soviet people of my understanding of the true meaning of "perestroika", and wanted them to think about the future of their country.
"SP": - Your article was the first to voice criticism of the policy of the party and government from a leftist point of view. How do you think the country would have developed, if the upper echelons had listened to you and your followers? Could that in principle have even happened at all?
N.A.- A subjunctive mood is not acceptable for history. But if the leadership of the country was not nearly all counter-revolutionary – because almost all of the higher ranks of the CPSU were conformist by nature nomenklatura and turned out to be conductors of the policy of "gorbastroika" - then we could have made a turn away from "perestroika", and begin to address those pressing issues, which I have already stated.
But at that time, we did not know that Gorbachev’s ambition in life was to destroy communism. We did not know that Gorbachev and Shevardnadze "sometime in their seventies (!) would conclude that the communist system should be changed from head to toe ..." (the former U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, in "Diplomacy",). "To achieve this, I (Gorbachev - Ed.) decided that I must destroy the whole apparatus of the CPSU and the USSR. Also I must do this in all of the other socialist countries ... I found friends that had the same thoughts as I in Yakovlev and Shevardnadze, they all deserve to be thanked for the breakup of the USSR and the defeat of communism." (M. Gorbachev. From an interview by newspapers with Gorbachev in Ankara, Turkey where he was a guest at a seminar at the American University. "Sovietskaya Rossiya", 2000, August 19).
The top party nomenklatura was an active component in the preparation and carrying out of the counterrevolution. Yeltsin was a regional secretary for many years, a candidate member of the Politburo, and his minister of state security Golushko - Ukrainian KGB chief, as well as Secretary of State and Deputy Prime Minister Burbulis who taught Marxism-Leninism in the universities, who was one of the architects of reform and the actual head of the government. Gaidar headed the department in the main theoretical journal of the CPSU "Communist," and after that, in the main Communist Party newspaper "Pravda". The next Prime Minister Chernomyrdin was a member of the Central Committee of the CPSU. Even in 1995, according to the Institute of Sociology, the Yeltsin administration by 75% and the Government of the Russian Federation by 74.3% consisted of former CPSU party nomenklatura.
It would have been possible to have reversed events via the extraordinary Congress of the CPSU in the autumn of 1991 by rejecting "perestroika" there and then, by changing the entire party-state apparatus. This is what we the Bolsheviks had planned to do via the Bolshevik platform in the CPSU. The counter-revolution overtook us. Yeltsin's decree in September 1991 banned all communist activities, and a little earlier in the year in August a farce coup was organized by the GKChP (State Committee on the State of Emergency). And Yeltsin on the 3 and 4 October 1993 suppressed the revolt against him by drowning it in blood, shooting the defenders of the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation.
"SP": - For nearly a month, between the publication of the article and the publication of Yakovlev's response to it - from March 13 to April 5, 1988 - the entire perestroika propaganda machine stopped its anti-Soviet hysteria, only to resume after Yakovlev actually gave approval for the continuation of it. Why do you think the top echelons of power waited so long? Did your article really scare someone in high places?
N.A.- The party leadership became confused at that point and did not know what to do. Yakovlev immediately resigned, but Gorbachev refused to accept his resignation and instructed him to prepare a damning document against the "enemy of perestroika" – the author of the article in "Sovietskaya Rossiya", and have it printed in the newspaper "Pravda” (“Truth”). Following the publication in "Pravda" of Yakovlev’s article, the counterrevolution entered a new stage, hounding and persecuting all those who did not support "gorbastroika." And of course, above all, it affected me, the author of the article.
"SP": - In your article you pay attention to the fact that the victims of ongoing historical revision are primarily young people. Today, a new generation who knows nothing about the Soviet system, have not seen, not only the positive side to it but also its negative traits.
N.A. - Nowadays the young people, like anyone else, are finding things difficult. Young people do not know their history, and their development has now lagged 50 years or more behind. Young people do not know classical literature, music ... Many people cannot get jobs in this bourgeois sweatshop system of gaining profits, and die of heart attacks or suicide, are unable to set up a family because of the low wages (if they are lucky to find a job), and find it impossible to buy a flat and provide for his family. There is a large-scale mental debilitation of the population underway, especially among young people. But today however, we are seeing an awakened interest by them in Soviet history, as they are beginning to learn it on their own, and the veil of lies starts to drop.

Dmitry Rodionov, "Free Press"

On February 16 in the DPRK (North Korea) the birthday of Kim Jong Il (1942-2011) was celebrated, who for the last 15 years (since 8
October 1997) led the Workers' Party of Korea (WPK) as General Secretary of the WPK, was Supreme Commander of the Korean People’s Army (KPA) (since 24 December 1991), Chairman of the National Defence Commission of the DPRK (since 9 April 1993), and Marshal
of the KPA. During the years of the country's leadership of Comrade Kim Jong Il, a lot was done, so much in fact, that you can not list let alone describe all his contributions to the construction of socialist Korea. Over the past 30 years, under Kim Jong Il, the DPRK made a powerful step forward in its development. For example in the tremendous advances in the development of the economic base of society, new
industries, heavy industry with factories built with modern electronic equipment, were created, increasing power output to a higher level along with the construction of large and small-scale hydropower plants in small rivers, the development of modern engineering, and the construction of several large plants in the chemical industry, etc.
Much has been done in the development of light industry under the motto - more high-quality goods for the people of the country. Much has also been done in the field of land management, with the creation of new acreage, new varieties
of food crops, together with developed livestock and fisheries.
The DPRK set up its own nuclear power and confidently stepped into space by launching its own artificial satellite.
The Armed Forces of the DPRK has become a formidable weapon against any aggressor, having brought into service various long-range missiles.
Much has been done in the social and
the educational system. The housing issue has been completely solved in cities and agricultural cooperatives. Health care has been taken to
a new level - with the help of computer techniques to diagnose the health of residents of the country who are living in the most remote towns and villages. Great achievements have been made by the DPRK in the field of sport having received many top prizes at international competitions and the Olympic Games. In Party documents it is written that man stands as centre of attention. And this has always been practiced and is now in practice throughout the Government and the Party. Under the leadership of Kim Jong Il, the Korean people overcame an unprecedented and difficult path.
For the people, Kim Jong Il was a symbol of victory, a spiritual support and bright future of Korea.
The love of the Korean people to prematurely deceased Great Kim Jong Il is so great that he has been forever remained at the high post of General Secretary of the WPK by Decree of the IV conference of the WPK and the V session of the Supreme Peoples Assembly of the DPRK of the 12th convocation in legislate order designated Kim Jong Il to the post of eternal Chairman of the National Defence Commission (NDC). A decision was made to build a statue of Kim Jong-Il in Pyongyang, to celebrate his birthday as the Day of the Shining Star, and all over the country to erect portraits of Kim Jong Il and a tower called Immortality Tower (with an inscription - "Great Comrades Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il are always with us ").
A year after the death of Kim Jong-Il, his embalmed body has been placed next to the body of Kim Il-Sung in Kumsusan memorial palace, renamed Kumsusan Palace of the Sun.
Earlier, in April 2012, in the centre of Pyongyang alongside a bronze statue of Kim Il Sung, a statue of Kim Jong Il was erected. As big a statue of Kim Jong Il was set up on the territory of the Ministry of Armed Forces of the DPRK (see photo in this material).
On December 24, 2012, on the day of the appointment of Kim Jong Il to the post of Supreme Commander of the KPA (1991), the Government of the DPRK instituted the International Kim Jong-Il Prize. In the rules of the award it states that it will be awarded to politicians, scientists, public officials and businessmen who made tangible contributions to the struggle for independence of the country and the nation, the realisation of global independence, and peace and the development of human culture. The prize consists of a diploma, a gold medal and a Cup. A special council will organise the work of awarding the Prize, which is made up of prominent politicians, public activists and scientists from different countries. The award council is based in New Delhi (India). Awarding of the prize took place on 16 February 2013 on the birthday of Kim Jong Il. This Day in the DPRK has been declared a national holiday the "Day of the Shining Star."
Also an Order of Kim Jong Il has been instituted along with a children’ Kim Jong Il
Award of Honor. Kim Jong Il commemorative coins have also been produced inscribed with "The great leader Comrade Kim Jong Il is always with us."
The traditions and ideas of the Great President Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il now worthily continued and performed in practice by the young DPRK leader Kim Jong-Un. 2012 was
triumphant in the program implementation of the tasks laid forth by the previous leaders. This demonstrates the continuity in policy of Great Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong-Il.
On the Day of the Shining Star - February 16, we sincerely wish the hard-working people of the DPRK to also firmly and confidently to move
forward under the banner of Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il ("under the banner of the Sun"), bringing ever closer a bright tomorrow in the DPRK – entering into a thriving prosperous socialist power, which two great men dreamt about.
Congratulating Comrade Kim Jong-Un on the 71th anniversary since the birth of Great Kim Jong Il, we wish the young DPRK leader success in his difficult task - advancing the country forward and defending the cause of socialism as dignified
inexorably as his great predecessors.
In the name of Kim Jong Un on the occasion of 71th anniversary of the birth of the great leader Comrade Kim Jong Il, the General Secretary of the AUCPB, N.A.Andreeva sent a congratulatory telegram to Pyongyang.
Lenin and Stalin were always talking about the need to unite the communist and workers' movement into a single force that is able to destroy capitalism. Only under this condition can communists and workers successfully fight for socialist revolution. This was proved very expressively autumn 1917 in Russia.
We shall tear out the "root of evil"!
J.V. Stalin wrote in 1905 in his "Briefly About Disagreements in the Party": "... What is scientific socialism without the working-class movement? — A compass which, if left unused, will only grow rusty and then will have to be thrown overboard.
What is the working-class movement without socialism?—A ship without a compass which will reach the other shore in any case, but would reach it much sooner and with less danger if it had a compass.
Combine the two and you will get a splendid vessel, which will speed straight towards the other shore and reach its haven unharmed.
Combine the working-class movement with socialism and you will get a Social-Democratic (communist – fb) movement which will speed straight towards the "promised land."
And so, it is the duty of Social-Democracy (and not only of Social-Democratic intellectuals) to combine socialism with the working-class movement, to imbue the movement with socialist consciousness and thereby lend the spontaneous working-class movement a Social-Democratic character.
That is what Lenin said ... ".
Thus it is necessary to avoid a situation where the communists are by themselves, and the workers are by themselves.
Bolsheviks and Young Bolshevik Guards should actively cooperate with those who work in the factories. We need to keep up persistent communist propaganda among the workers, often organize pickets, rallies at the entrances to factories with the distribution of our newspapers and leaflets. We need to look for supporters who could distribute our printed products within companies, workshops and provide information about the situation at the plant. It is necessary to protect people from a situation where the authorities or security know who is engaged in the distribution of Bolshevik newspapers and leaflets. Otherwise, the worker could be fired from the plant "at will" or under a different pretext, one which will always be found. In some cases, you only need to leave the Bolshevik literature in the workshops by machinery, in the locker room, in the dining halls, corridors and stairwells on a window sill - in all those places where the mass of workers gather. It makes sense to spread newspapers, leaflets, within the plant with the help of people who have been working there for a long time and know reliable comrades. Through them you can distribute our newspapers and leaflets along a "chain" of workers. Only the strengthening of Bolshevik propaganda and agitation among the working class, both outside plant and inside can ensure the growth of Bolshevik ideas among workers-proletarians.
When factory workers organize strikes, we need to provide information of support to the campaign. We need to post articles about the strike in our newspapers, on Internet sites, social networks and forums. Make it so that the largest possible number of workers find out about the strike. After all, this is an example for them as an effective solution to the problems of labour and wages.
In the event of a strike at any enterprise the Bolsheviks or Young Bolsjevik Guards can organize a rally in support by writing words of solidarity with workers on large sheets of paper that have to be put on public display during the strike. The plant workers will then know that the Bolsheviks and Young Guard support the strike, and then our credibility in the working masses will be strengthened. One of our main objectives is to strengthen the growth in influence of the Bolsheviks among working people. And this we can implement, providing real help to factory workers in their struggle for their rights.
Unfortunately, among the poorer segments of society there is still a strong hope for a "kind uncle", who in the opinion of the naive citizens, will "have mercy" and help workers improve their material existence. So far, there are still many workers who have naive hope that the powers to be can actually "regret" what they are doing and actually help working people.
This is the root of evil. This is the reason that the protests of workers rarely go beyond economic demands. People still believe in the powers to be and the bourgeoisie - the "owners" of enterprises. It is necessary to break this faith. We should explain that no "uncle", "king-father" or president, or mayor will help the workers. It is necessary to explain to the workers that never in the 20 years of capitalist slavery in the former USSR have the central authorities as well as the local ones ever really helped working people much in their struggle for their rights. At best, everything has been limited to empty talk and a few handouts - crumbs from the master's table or with the threat of "punishment" by the bourgeois, of delaying wages. Workers don’t want this. They want a secure life, confidence in the future, and a substantial income. The workers do not want to simply exist (as they do now), but to actually live! And we need to explain to them that this is not achievable under capitalism. Only socialism can provide the above social security, besides the fact that it provides free housing, medical treatment and education. Workers need to understand that socialism is not achievable through elections, but through a Socialist revolution.
Workers need to believe in themselves and to understand that they THEMSELVES with the Communists-Bolsheviks are able to improve their lives. To believe in the cause is half the battle.
Now capitalism. The "Kind Uncle" remains in socialism, therefore the workers should rely only upon themselves, and on the people of their own class, on the transition to socialism through a general strike and revolution.
When we are united - we are invincible
The problem in today's society lies in selfishness in disunity. Unfortunately, this disease has also affected workers. Some of them live by the motto of "everyone for themselves," or "it’s none of my business." There is no workers unity and mutual assistance. All too often one section of workers will strike, and the other at the same time will work. This is called strike-breaking. At the beginning of the XX century this was a disgrace for the workers. Nowadays, unfortunately, the situation is different. For example, at the Russian arms factory in Izhevsk during a strike in October 2012, younger workers were on strike, but pensioners who worked there at the time, did not support the protest and carried on working. Is this not selfishness? Such narrow-minded people (in spite of their grey hair) do not understand that being disunited, we are easy to suppress – like a piece of cake, but when we are united - we are invincible. Explaining this is another challenge for genuine communists.
The bourgeoisie after 1917 in Russia understood that the working class not only in words but also in deeds is their gravedigger. Capitalists tend to try not to increase the number of factories in their states and where possible, shift production to other countries (particularly Asian countries), where labour is cheaper. Therefore, in some European countries the number of factories does not increase, but in many countries even decrease in number, or worse still as in the former USSR the "CIS", factories are quite openly destroyed. Consequently, the number of members of the working class – who the gravedigger of the bourgeoisie is also reduced. Here is one of the reasons why capitalism is alive and continues to torment the working classes. Therefore, the task of the Bolsheviks-communists is to strengthen the fight (with rallies and other protest actions) against the destruction of factories still open since 1991. Factory workers will thank us for this.
Another problem of the working class is the large scale employee "drain" from enterprises. Many employees "protest" against the tyranny of the capitalist bosses by simply handing in their notice and leaving the factory and going to another organization, "where wages are higher." On the one hand this would seem like a way out, but on the other - the other company where the employee now works, also exists under capitalism. Hence, there is still the risk of low wages, its delays, layoffs, bankruptcy, etc.
With the large-scale employee "drain " at enterprises, the work collective is unstable, hence, less cohesive, less friendly, and we, the Bolsheviks, and Young Bolshevik Guard should make efforts to ensure that workers are not running from factory to factory, but actively fighting here and now at their own factory enterprise for their rights, for socialism, and not just simply limiting their struggle to economic demands only.

STATEMENT by the CC AUCPB on the situation on the Korean Peninsula
We have repeatedly stated before that the AUCPB supported and will support the leadership Songun policy of the DPRK. We fully support the DPRK nuclear test and launch of an artificial satellite by their domestic carrier rocket, suggesting the establishment of a reliable DPRK nuclear shield, which is in the current circumstances, the only real way to protect the country from external aggression.
However, we do not support the statement made by the Foreign Affairs spokesman and other agencies about the possibility of the DPRK launching a pre-emptive nuclear strike against its enemies, as it puts the socialist country level with the imperialist aggressor – the United States, the instigator of a Third World thermo-nuclear war. The apparent military gains from this will inevitably turn to political defeat on either of the sides who dared to actually deliver a pre-emptive nuclear strike. On the Korean peninsula today in opposing each other, i.e. the DPRK – U.S., what is at stake is not only the life of DPRK citizens, but also those of neighbouring countries, and in the end – the whole of humanity.
22 March 2013.

Published as a debate

After the ending of the Great Patriotic War in 1945, enemies of the Soviet Union realized that military force alone could not defeat the USSR.
Hitler's Wehrmacht was the strongest army in the capitalist world, but it could not crush the Soviet Motherland. On the contrary, since 1945, the number of socialist countries actually increased, and the Soviet Union, thanks also to the genius of Stalin's policy, was controlling
more than half the world's population.
The major bourgeoisie of U.S. and Western Europe became truly alarmed. The imperialists began feeling that the end was near for them. They began to take measures to extend their power over large parts of the planet and try to inflict a lethal blow against the Soviet Union. More than 80 institutions in capitalist countries worked only for the development and practice of implementation of a new method for the savage destruction of the USSR. The Zionist- imperialist bourgeoisie splashed out plenty of money for this.
Against the Soviet Motherland, against the ideas of communism, began a new undeclared war – a psychological war. From out of the U.S. began the "ideological attack on communism." The imperialists set their scientists, lackeys, spies and
agents of influence the task of: breaking up, and shaking the foundations of the socialist system from within, "to launder" the basic ideological principles of Soviet society and the countries
of the people's democracies, then sow disbelief in the possibility of building communism, and discredit the ideas of Marxism-Leninism.
The enemies of socialism understood that in order to undermine faith in communism, you had to know how to distort Marxism. Therefore, they sent their own agents to Soviet universities and carried out “special” work among scientists. That included breaking the principles of Marxism-Leninism and subjecting it to revision. Under Khrushchev and Brezhnev, such agents "worked" in almost every Moscow higher learning institution.
Foreign intelligence centres gave out tasks to spies: to penetrate circles influencing policies of the countries of socialism, to seize key positions in the USSR (i.e. Gorbachev in the CPSU and Putin in the KGB), and create underground opposition
groups. Agents of the West acted not only among scientists, but also among a mass of actors, journalists, writers, and musicians.
"Processing" their minds, these spies had a great
impact on public opinion in the USSR. Therefore it is of no surprise that namely among the scientists, actors, journalists and musicians, the Gorbachevites-Yeltsinites found themselves in the second half of the 80's with reliable support.
Their American masters gave
instructions such as these to their agents of influence: "... The Slavs like to sing over a glass of vodka. Remind them how well they brewed moonshine during the Civil War. Recklessly drunk, say Russians. Create the same thing and the drunks will wander wherever we need them to go. Russians like humour ... Well, we shall arm fans
with witty jokes, making fun of their present day and their future. A sharp anecdote spreads like wildfire, sometimes even by people loyal to Soviet power. The anecdote is a great force. Slipping past one person imperceptibly, it can leave another person with the thin coating, which
will serve as a catalyst for everything that is anti-Soviet ... ". Anti-Soviet jokes that were common in
Brezhnev era, did their dirty deed. They significantly undermined public confidence in the possibility of building communism.
Back in the early 1950's, the agents of influence were given by their masters the task of creating inside the USSR and other socialist countries, an atmosphere of popular discontent.
This, in part explains the events of 1968 in the Czechoslovakia, and in the early 1980's, in Poland, as well as the bourgeois counter-revolutions that swept through Central Europe in 1989. In this same rank can be placed the creating of the artificial shortage of food products that took place under Gorbachev.
The words of German historian Clausewitz, expressed in his book "On War" became the program for the destroyers of the USSR: "The Russian Empire is no country which can be regularly conquered, that is to say, which can be held in possession, at least not by the forces of the present States of Europe, nor by the 500,000 men with which Bonaparte invaded the country. Such a country can only be subdued by its own weakness, and by the effects of internal dissension. In order to strike these vulnerable points in its political existence, the country must be agitated to its very centre ". Such a strike was provoked by the capitalist West with the so-called “perestroika”
(reconstruction), which caused an internal explosion and the destruction of the USSR.
The main psychological blow that was struck after 1953 was against the Soviet youth. Leaders of Western intelligence centres gave such clear instructions to the agents of influence: "The hope of every nation lies with its young people. We make this so that this hope deceives the Bolsheviks. Young people are inclined towards getting easily distracted... Poison the souls of young people with scepticism about the meaning of life, awaken interest in sexual problems, lure them over by such baits as the free world, modern dancing, nice clothes (rags), special types of music, poems, songs ... Children will always find something to rebuke their parents with. Use this! Set the younger generation against the older generation (and vice versa- Fb)...". In Western Europe after 1945, guesthouses were set up, where children and adolescents were kept, kidnapped by the Nazis from the occupied territories of the USSR. In these establishments, they brought up their agents of influence who would conduct subversive ideological work among Soviet young people. Such people entered Soviet universities and then conducted anti-communist propaganda. The main aim of these ideological saboteurs was to ensure that in the Soviet Union did not continue to appear a heroic youth, and a new Alexander Matrosov and Zoe Kosmodemyansky did appear.
The enemies of socialism set themselves a goal: "We must be so inventive in ways of conducting psychological war against communism in order to keep ahead of communist propaganda."
Opportunism, spies, betrayal, philistinism.
Unfortunately, almost all of the goals of psychological warfare against the Soviet Union have been achieved. Why did it happen? After the death of J.V. Stalin, Khrushchev's leadership in fact launched a campaign to revise and distort the basic principles of Marxism-Leninism. The governing structures of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) and the KGB
became gradually clogged with U.S. and Western Europe intelligence centre representatives, as well as careerists and philistines lacking ideology. Here is an example. In 1962, the CPSU expelled Vyacheslav Molotov, a principled communist who had even worked with Lenin. And in that very same year, the party accepted…..wow….. Boris Yeltsin. No comment needed.
Almost all the key posts in the Soviet Union by 1985 had been captured by agents of influence. Many communists, unfortunately, lost
vigilance having turned into petty bourgeois and apologetic philistines with a communist party membership card in their pocket. The KGB, weakened by the activities of foreign agents and
traitors like Vladimir Putin, obviously underestimated the danger of the psychological war. Anti-Soviet anecdotes should have been equated with anti-Soviet propaganda. This was not done. So these anecdotes were free to roam around the country, undermining the foundations of Soviet power. The KGB, more or less actually governed by traitors "neutralizing" distributors of anti-Soviet literature, often escaped court, and were limited to "pet talks" only, releasing such enemies of the people in all directions, rather than sentencing them to the death penalty or imprisonment, which was demanded by the Soviet Criminal Code.
Vladimir Ilyich Lenin in the early 1920-s said that neither foreign intervention or civil war, but only communists themselves are able due to their ideological errors or betrayal, to bring about the restoration of capitalism. And this is exactly what happened, because members of the CPSU forgot these Leninist words and stopped purging the party of hangers-on elements and outright enemies. And thus violated the basic principles of Marxism-Leninism.
We Bolsheviks have to take account of this lesson of history.
Imperialists are using psychological warfare against us even now. Among the working classes, judgments are spread about such as: “All struggle is pointless," "There is no return to socialism", and
other such nonsense. Foreign owners are now finding the Russian police state regime is important so that the working class as the primary driver of a Socialist revolution do not believe in their own strength and its will is paralyzed by the problems of survival under capitalism.
Opportunism, revisionism and distortion of Marxism-Leninism are features of most modern leftist parties. This is also manifestation of psychological warfare, as opportunism, co-
appeasement with the bourgeoisie, and betrayal of the interests of the working people are imported into Russia from the West.
Vile anti-Soviet and anti-Stalinist propaganda is the third sign of the modern psychological war.
What are Bolsheviks and the Young Bolshevik Guard to do in order to counter this? Replace the "minus" sign with the "plus" sign. We must conduct counter-propaganda. We need to do everything possible to make the working class believe in itself and as our duty with the help of a general strike, and then a Socialist
revolution, to destroy capitalism in Russia. We must observe loyalty to the principles of Marxism-Leninism, to mercilessly expose the traitors- opportunists as lackeys of the capitalist regime. We must explain to the working people the truth about the Soviet government as a bright page in history and about Stalin as a great leader of the Soviet people.
By K. Stolyarov
From the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks
On the 5th of March 2013 after a long illness, the president of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, 59 year old Hugo Chavez died.
We express our deepest condolences to the people of Venezuela and Latin America in connection with the death of the President of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, Hugo Chavez. Hugo Chavez was a passionate revolutionary and a soldier worthy of continuing the work of the legendary fighter for freedom and independence of the peoples of Latin America and the Caribbean, Simon Bolivar.
Chavez dedicated his life to the struggle for a better life for the poor. He made a great contribution to the integration of Latin America against the dictates of U.S. imperialism and the world in general, and was able to challenge the U.S. alone. Hugo Chavez was a recognized leader in the national liberation movement and will always be remembered not only by the peoples of Latin America, but around the world. We believe that the cause of the struggle for independence and socialism will be successfully continued by his fellow comrades and successors, whom he was able to train and prepare in advance.

We wish the people of Venezuela, the courage to endure the weight of their loss, and confidently move on towards building an independent state.
6 March 2013



The UK Korean Friendship Association together with the the Juche Idea Study Group , Association for the Study of Songun Politics UK and the New Communist Party of Britain picketed the US embassy in Grosvenor Square London at 4-30pm on the 19th of March.
The banner of the UK Korean Friendship Association was put up along with a
banner saying "No to UNSC Sanctions" and the flag of the DPRK.
KFA Official Delegate and chairman of the Juche Idea Study Group Dermot Hudson made a speech. He said that the picket had been called to protest against "Foal Eagle " and " Key Resolve" exercises and the UNSC sanctions. He said that "Foal Eagle"
and "Key Resolve " are most aggressive exercises which involve over 200,000
troops and nuclear warheads. Chairman Hudson said that as we speak nuclear
capable B52 bombers were flying over Korea. "Key Resolve " and "Foal Eagle " are
aimed at invading the DPRK , effecting "regime change" and destroying the Juche-based socialist system in Korea. "Foal Eagle and " Key Resolve " risk provoking another Korean war which could quickly turn into a third world war. It is 10 years after the start of the Iraq War but the US has not learnt its lesson.
The UNSC sanctions against the DPRK are most unjust as the DPRK has conducted less than 1% of the nuclear tests in the world but have had sanctions imposed on it. This has been done at the behest of the US and the UNSC is just a
puppet of the US.
US imperialism invaded Korea over a 100 years ago and unleashed the Korean War in 1950. It has systematically destroyed the Korean Armistice Agreement which had now nullified by the Korean People's Army. US imperialism is the sworn enemy of the Korean people . Korea will be reunified under the banner of the Juche idea.
Andy Brooks general secretary of the New Communist Party also addressed the picket.
He said that the US policy of dividing Korea. They had created a despotic fascist regime in south Korea which arrested patriotic pro reunification champions such as Ro Su Hui
Slogans were shouted such as:
US out of Korea! Yankees Go Home! Korea is One! No to Sanctions - No to War, Down with US imperialism! Victory to the KPA! Long live the Workers' Party of Korea! Long live Marshal Kim Jong Un!
Leaflets were given out and discussions were held with passers and even with an American businessman who came out of the Embassy.
Police informed told us not to take photographs of the Embassy's "security station"
The picket concluded at 6pm.
Organised by UK Korean Friendship Association, contact email: uk@korea-dpr.com

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