The All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks (AUCPB), inheriting Bolshevik principles of the R.S.D.W.P. -R.S.D.W.P.(b) - A.U.C.P.(b) - of Lenin's policiy in the CPSU, is the highest form of proletarian class organisation, advanced detachment of the working class, acting in unity with the peasantry and labour intelligentsia, standing on the Party's positions for: the gain of political power - overthrowing the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie and establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat, the destruction of private ownership over the instuments and means of production, the revival of the USSR, the further strenghtening of the proletarian interests for the complete victory of socialism and gradual transition to communism. The ideological and theoretical basis of the AUCPB is formed by Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin, is their doctrine in its creative application and development in modern conditions. The AUCPB is a component of the global communist movement with the aim of communism triumphing over the whole planet.

Thursday, 29 September 2011






No 10 (103) OCTOBER 2011


The the 44th Congress of the Communist Party of Ukraine held in June adopted a new version of their Program.
We make a brief analysis of the document of the party claiming to play the vanguard role in the labour movement in Ukraine (published 29.07. 2011 "Communist» № 60-61).
The Communist Party is the vanguard of the proletariat, and created by them in order to bring about a socialist revolution, the destruction of the bourgeois state (the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie) and build on its ruins a proletarian state (the dictatorship of the proletariat), the abolition of private ownership of means of production and replacing it with public ownership, building a socialist society, in which the division of society into classes will be destroyed ("Socialism is the abolition of classes", Lenin, PSS. v.39, s.279) and the transition to a classless communist society.
This is namely the historic mission of the proletariat and its vanguard - the Communist Party. The proletariat is the only class in the history of mankind which does not seek to perpetuate their rule, but use its power to destroy classes, including the destruction (dissolution) of itself as a class in the mass of workers of the communist socio-economic structure. Together with the proletariat into the whole of society is dissolved and its vanguard - the Communist Party. More precisely, the communist ideology, communist world view seizes the minds of all members of communist society, that is, all members of a communist society in their outlook become (and are) communists.
"Give us an organization of revolutionaries, and we will overturn Russia!" said V. Lenin in the early 20th century in "What Is To Be Done?" (MSS, v.6, p.127). But Lenin was not waiting for someone to "give" him an organization of revolutionaries. Such an organization - the party of the working class, was founded by Lenin and his associates, hardened in combat and led the Russian proletariat towards socialist revolution.
Is the Communist Party of Ukraine an organization of revolutionaries, and does it pose questions about socialist revolution, the abolition of the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, the abolition of private property, etc? All the more so in the party program and the CPU, and in the political report of the Central Committee of the Party Congress, which was delivered by P. Simonenko, there is a lot of talk about class struggle and revolution, the struggle for socialism.
But, nevertheless, in the program there was no place for the most important, fundamental principles of Marxist-Leninist theory of proletarian dictatorship. P. Symonenko found it necessary to address this issue in his report, "The Banner of a fighting Party. A new edition of the Program of the Communist Party of Ukraine." Cited are several passages from Lenin on the dictatorship of the proletariat, focusing mainly on the creative side of the dictatorship and stated the kind of character acquired by the political power of the proletariat depends "on the behavior of the exploiting classes, which will be removed from power."
For a more detailed clarification of this issue we must look to the classics, to the Marxist-Leninist teaching on the state and revolution.
"The state - emphasizes Engels – is an organization of the propertied class to protect it from the poor" ("Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State", Moscow, Politizdat, 1989, p.179).
And Engels continues: "... the state does not exist for all eternity. There have been societies that did without it, who had no idea of the state and state power. At a certain stage of economic development, which was necessarily bound up with the division of society into classes, the state came into effect on this division. We are now rapidly approaching a stage of production at which the existence of these classes not only ceased to be a necessity, but will become an obstacle to production. Classes will fall as inevitably as they inevitably formed in the past. With the disappearance of classes, the state will inevitably disappear. The society that will organize production on the basis of free and equal association of producers will send the whole state machinery where it will then belong: into the museum of antiquities, next to the spinning wheel and the bronze axe "(ibid. 180).
Such detail on the issues of the state, class struggle, revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat was investigated by V.I. Lenin in his famous works: "The State and Revolution" and "Marxism on the state", as well as in several other studies, based on theoretical developments and conclusions of Marx and Engels.
In "State and Revolution" (Pss t.33, p.1-120), Lenin stressed: "The state is a product and a manifestation of intolerance of class antagonisms. The state arises where, when and to the extent where and when class antagonisms objectively can not be reconciled. And conversely, the existence of the state proves that class antagonisms are irreconcilable "(p.7)" the state is an organ of the rule of a certain class, which can not be reconciled with its antipode (the class opposite to it), and petty-bourgeois democracy will never be able to understand this" (p.8).
And then Lenin elaborates on the teachings of Marx and Engels on violent revolution:
"The doctrine of Marx and Engels on the inevitability of a violent revolution refers to the bourgeois state. It will be replaced by a proletarian state (the dictatorship of the proletariat) and not by "withering away", but, as a general rule, only through a violent revolution ... "And Lenin concludes:" The change of the bourgeois state by a proletarian revolution is impossible without a violent revolution. The destruction of the proletarian state, i.e., destruction of any state, is impossible except by "withering away" '(p.22).
"Communist Manifesto" by Marx and Engels end with the call: "The Communists disdain to conceal their views and aims. They openly declare that their ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions. Let the ruling classes tremble at a Communist revolution. The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains. They have a world to win."
Does the CPU include in its program the task of violent overthrow of the existing capitalist system in Ukraine?
No, it does not include that! The CPU proposes "a comprehensive program-minimum of reforming the entire system of social relations in the interests of workers, taking into account the prevailing realities in Ukraine." That is, there is no talk of revolution, no violent overthrow of the bourgeois system in the program-minimum. It is only about adapting the CPU to the existing bourgeois order (that's what it means when they use the phrase "taking into account of the prevailing realities in Ukraine"), to give this system a democratic face. But how long the first phase will run, the program does not say; it could be for a year or two, ten, and perhaps even 50 years. That is, if we speak in essence, the Communist Party of Ukraine will at this stage tend to embellish the bourgeois system. And it is only the second stage, which is not yet known when that will be, does it talk about "rebuilding and strengthening the foundations of socialist society" and about carrying out a socialist revolution. And, again, the CPU prefers peaceful development of the revolution "by way of political and moral pressure on the power of the bourgeoisie, through the democratic will of the people." Blessed are those who believe, shall we say. Thus the bourgeoisie are to be so frightened by the "moral pressure" of the people. The bourgeoisie do not care about any "moral pressure". For the bourgeoisie, the main thing is to maximize profits and super profits as a result of brutal exploitation of working people. And, the bourgeoisie are especially "afraid" of the "democratic will of the people." Even people far removed from politics, are well aware that money and capital win elections, and all the talk of the "democratic will of the people" are nothing more than a fairy tale for the naive. Fortunately, there are fewer such people. But nevertheless the CPU continues to lull the people with fairytales about democracy. But, in any burning situation, in order to further demonstrate its "revolutionary character", the CPU in its program writes: "revolutionary forces must be ready for different scenarios, which may require appropriate under the Ukrainian Constitution and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, countermeasures against the violent actions of anti-peoples forces." Thus, "revolution" in the framework of bourgeois Constitution and the rule of law. Bourgeois Constitution, guarding the interests of the bourgeoisie, which proclaimed the inviolability of private property rights (Article 41) and adopted by the Communist Party of Ukraine. Throughout the program, the CPU repeatedly vows to comply with the bourgeois Constitution and bourgeois laws. So we can quite safely say that all this talk about revolution, is nothing more than a phrase to deceive the naive, especially young people, who, according to the report by P. Symonenko, enter the CPU who either understand nothing anything about Marxism-Leninism, or the revolutionary struggle (at least not yet). To deceive these young people, to push them onto the path of parliamentarism and participate in ongoing election campaigns - that's the whole "revolutionary character" of the Communist Party of Ukraine.
But back to the work of Lenin's "State and Revolution."
Here are a few excerpts from this work in connection with the issue on the dictatorship of the proletariat:
"The most important of Marx's teaching is the class struggle. This is what is very often spoken and written about. But this is wrong. And out of this infidelity is very often obtained an opportunist distortion of Marxism and its falsification in a spirit of acceptance of the bourgeoisie. For the doctrine of class struggle, not by Marx, but by the bourgeoisie before Marx, was created for the bourgeoisie, in general, is acceptable. Those who recognize only the class struggle are not yet Marxists, and may be still within the bounds of bourgeois thinking and bourgeois politics. To confine Marxism to the doctrine of class struggle means limiting Marxism, distorting it, reducing it to what is acceptable to the bourgeoisie. A Marxist is one who extends the recognition of class struggle to the recognition of the dictatorship of the proletariat. This is the most profound difference between the Marxist and the ordinary petty (as well as big) bourgeois. On this touchstone one must have a real understanding and recognition of Marxism "(p.34). Furthermore, Lenin continues: "The essence of Marx's doctrine of the state has been mastered only by those who realized that the dictatorship of one class is necessary not only for any class society in general, not only for the proletariat which has overthrown the bourgeoisie, but also for the entire historical period which separates capitalism from "a society without classes" from communism" (p.35).
The question of the dictatorship of the proletariat does not depend on the "behavior of the exploiting classes, which will be removed from power," as Simonenko says. The dictatorship of the proletariat is a necessary condition for socialist transformation of the entire historical period from the socialist revolution up to the construction of a classless communist society.
In the program of the CPU, the question of the dictatorship of the proletariat is omitted. Here is the "Marxist" and "revolutionary" nature of this program.
But the most important task of the proletarian dictatorship is the task of the destruction, the smashing of the bourgeois state machine.
This is what Lenin wrote on the issue:
"The doctrine of class struggle, applied by Marx to the question of the state and the socialist revolution is necessary to recognize the political supremacy of the proletariat, of its dictatorship, i.e., power, not shared with anyone else and relying directly on the armed force of the masses. The overthrow of the bourgeoisie can be achieved only turning the proletariat into the ruling class, capable of crushing the inevitable and desperate resistance of the bourgeoisie and to organize for the new economic system all the toiling and exploited masses "(p.26).
Lenin showed that the principal, fundamental in the Marxist theory of the state concludes that: "all previous revolutions perfected the state machine, and it must be broken, smashed" (p. 28).
"The revolution should not consist in the fact that the new class is ruling, governing with the aid of the old state machine, but the fact that it smashes this machine and rules, governs the new machine" (p.114-115).
The CPU and does not aim to break up, to destroy the existing bourgeois machine, i.e. the Ukrainian bourgeois state, but rather does everything to strengthen it by participating actively in the work of bourgeois government, entering into a coalition in parliament with the Party of Regions and the Lytvyn Bloc - the oligarchic parties and the big bourgeoisie.
In the "Great Beginning," Lenin defined the following concept of the dictatorship of the proletariat: "The dictatorship of the proletariat, if you translate this Latin, scientific, historical and philosophical expression into simpler language, means that: only a certain class, namely, the urban and general factory, industrial workers are able to lead the whole mass of workers and exploited in the struggle to overthrow the yoke of capital, in the course of the overthrow, in the struggle to maintain and consolidate the victory, in building a new socialist social system, in the whole struggle for the complete abolition of classes "(MSS , v.39, p.14).
"The dictatorship of the proletariat - continues Lenin - is also a period of class struggle, which is inevitable, while classes have not been destroyed, and which changes its form, becoming during the first period after the overthrow of capital particularly fierce and particularly peculiar. Winning political power, the proletariat does not stop the class struggle, but it continues - until the abolition of classes - but, of course, in different circumstances, in some form, and by other means "(ibid., p.14-15).

A few words about democracy and dictatorship.
Again we return to the "State and Revolution."
Again, Lenin refers to Marx: "Marx splendidly grasped this essence of capitalist democracy, saying in his analysis of the experience of the Commune, the oppressed every few years can decide which particular representatives of the oppressing class will be in parliament to represent and repress them" (p.88) .
Here's the answer to the permanent reminder by Simonenko and CPU program to participate in elections. The only result of the participation of the Communist Party in various elections since 1994, was strengthening the power of capital in Ukraine. Here's is the answer to complaints by Simonenko that fewer people are voting for the CPU. Voters are not stupid enough to not realize that the leadership of the Communist Party is well settled in the cushy seats in parliament, in other structures of the bourgeois government, that the Communist Party, objectively, have become servants of the bourgeoisie.
We continue to learn from Lenin: "But from this capitalist democracy - inevitably narrow and stealthily pushes aside the poor, and is therefore hypocritical and false through and through –forward development does not proceed simply, directly and smoothly," to greater and greater democracy " like the liberal bourgeois and petty-bourgeois opportunists say. No. Forward development, i.e. towards communism, proceeds through the dictatorship of the proletariat (my emphasis – A.M.) and otherwise can not go, for to break the resistance of the exploiters, the capitalists and anyone else there is no other way. But the dictatorship of the proletariat, i.e., the organization of the vanguard of the oppressed as the ruling class for suppressing the oppressors, can not merely give an expansion of democracy. Simultaneously with an immense expansion of democracy, for the first time it becomes democracy for the poor, democracy for the people, and not democracy for the rich, thus the dictatorship of the proletariat imposes a series of exemptions from freedom of the oppressors, the exploiters, the capitalists. We must suppress them in order to free humanity from wage slavery, their resistance must be crushed by force - it is clear that where there is suppression, there is violence, there is no freedom, no democracy ... Democracy for the vast majority of the people and the suppression by force, i.e. exclusion from democracy, the exploiters and oppressors of the people - this is the change of democracy during the transition from capitalism to communism "(p.88-89).
Thus, the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie is carried out to protect the rights of the exploiting minority over the majority of the working people. Democracy, bourgeois democracy is the privilege of the minority. The dictatorship of the proletariat is aimed at suppressing the resistance of the exploiters, i.e., the minority, and promoting democracy for its vast, working majority.
J.V. Stalin, summarizing the principles of Marxism, the conclusions of Lenin's dictatorship of the proletariat, that "the question of power is the fundamental question of every revolution" (Lenin), defined as follows "three major challenges facing the dictatorship of the proletariat" on the day "after the victory:
"a) to break the resistance of the overthrown and expropriated by the revolution landlords and capitalists, to eliminate any and all their attempts to restore the power of capital;
b) to organize the construction in the spirit of uniting all working people around the proletariat and to lead this work in the direction of preparing for the elimination, the abolition of classes;
c) to arm the revolution, to organize an army of the revolution to fight foreign enemies, for the struggle against imperialism" ("The Foundations of Leninism ", Op., v. 6, p. 109).
And finally, in "Concerning Questions of Leninism" Stalin defined the three main aspects of the dictatorship of the proletariat:
1) Using the power of the proletariat for the suppression of the exploiters, to defend our country, to build closer ties with the proletariat of other countries for the development and success of the revolution in all countries.
2) Using the power of the proletariat in order to finally detach the toiling and exploited masses from the bourgeoisie, to consolidate the alliance between the proletariat and the masses of these, to involve the masses in socialist construction, towards the state leadership of these masses by the proletariat.
3) Using the power of the proletariat for the organization of socialism, for the abolition of classes, for the transition to a society without classes, into a socialist society.
... even the omitting just one of these characteristics means the dictatorship of the proletariat has ceased to be a dictatorship in the conditions of capitalist encirclement. Therefore, none of these three aspects can be excluded out without fear of distorting the concept of the dictatorship of the proletariat. Only these three aspects taken together give us a full and complete concept of the dictatorship of the proletariat (my emphasis -A.M.) "(Works, vol.8, p.30-31).
But about Stalin you will not find any words in the report by Symonenko, in the program nor the Communist Party. But under the guidance of Stalin, the party, working class, the workers of the USSR passed along a glorious path of struggle and victory: the industrialization of the country took place, the collectivization of agriculture, the cultural revolution, victory over fascism. The USSR on its economic potential became the second power in the world, and the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic became the largest European state, its economic potential equaling to France. Even in the section where it talks about the 70th anniversary of the Great Patriotic War, not a word is said about the organizer and creator of the Great Victory, Joseph Stalin.
At the same time in the program of the CPU are repeated Khrushchev's allegations about the weakening of control "over the observance of the Leninist norms and basic principles of party life - democratic centralism and collective leadership," and it says that "the Communist Party of the Soviet Union on its own initiative condemned the negative things that contradict it (socialism – A.M.) and essentially overcame their consequences."
But "anti-Stalinism is a Trojan horse in the communist movement" (by Nina Andreeva), is actually an ideological weapon of the bourgeoisie against the proletariat. Only by overcoming anti-Stalinism, can the proletariat be able to free themselves, including and from the ideological shackles of the bourgeois, hampering its struggle for emancipation, and raising the proud victorious Red Banner of Lenin and Stalin, actually go to the "last and decisive battle" for the destruction of the power of capital, for the triumph of the ideals of socialism and communism throughout the world.

About the destruction of private ownership.
Marx and Engels still in the "Communist Manifesto" stated: "The Communists may sum up their theory in a single sentence: The abolition of private ownership." We have repeatedly criticized the CPU for the fact that it does not set such a task.
But, finally, "the ice is broken" and the program of the Communist Party of Ukraine says that while private ownership over the means and instruments of production, land and raw materials rule, so is maintained the economic basis of capitalism. "The abolition of private ownership of means of production is an indispensable condition for the complete victory of socialism. This task, as well as overcoming the economic multi-layered transition of society, will be addressed as necessary for the maturation of the objective conditions and paths corresponding to a specific situation. "
But these problems will be solved in accordance with the program, only after the reformist goals of the program, at least, only in the second phase of the struggle for socialism. But when this second stage of "struggle" actually arrives, the CPU program does not answer. It is clear that for the current leadership of the CPU, it is very beneficial for this "second stage of the fight," to come as late as possible, and yet, at the first stage, they can safely, and in full compliance with the program, "fight" without leaving their warm, familiar (and highly paid bourgeois) parliamentary seats.
Plus again on the "basis" of the classics: "... private ownership... can not be destroyed, and is a prerequisite for the production of direct material life – until the productive forces have been developed which are the tightening shackles of private property." And so, have such productive forces not yet been established? In the same program of the CPU, as in the report by Simonenko, it speaks of a fourth stage of the general crisis of capitalism. But the crises of capitalism are generated by the contradiction between the productive forces, with their social nature and the bourgeois relations of production, which are ever more constraining the development of modern productive forces. That is, there is a conflict between social production and the private form of appropriation, which is manifested as a crisis of overproduction. The latest global financial crisis has shaken to the ground the entire world system of imperialism. Now a growing number of analysts and experts talk about a second phase of the current global financial crisis.
The CPU program also avoids the question and does not place before the Party the task of the destruction of private ownership. It says that the full development of productive forces "will significantly affect the relations of production" and that the social character of the property will gradually become widespread.
On this issue, we can only note that there will be no gradual extension of public ownership of the means of production. The bourgeoisie will never voluntarily will not give up its property (stolen from the people in the process of privatization). Only a socialist revolution would destroy the bourgeois state - the main defender of private property, along with the seizure of power by the proletariat into their own hands, the latter during its dictatorship, and will carry out the destruction of private ownership, i.e, they will take away the means of production from the bourgeoisie, and give it back to the workers, establishing (restoring) public ownership of the means of production. The CPU does not aim to establish a dictatorship of the proletariat. And, accordingly, it does not attempt the task of the destruction of private ownership, as this task outside of the proletarian dictatorship can not be performed and executed by anyone.
The attitude of the CPU to business, shows that the party is a true advocate of the petty and middle bourgeoisie.
"With the collapse of the socialist economy - says the CPU program - private, including small business developed well. This allowed the possibility of providing jobs for millions of people (but millions more people as a result of the collapse of socialist production in general have lost their jobs, becoming a multi-million army of unemployed – A.M.). Given the domestic experience of the past and current experience of countries such as China, the Communist Party of Ukraine supports entrepreneurship, precluding the exploitation of wage labor." And further in the program, it says that the CPU understands the dual nature of small-and medium-sized businesses - they are workers and owners, giving rise to petty-bourgeois mentality and the elements, objectively serve the basis for constant reproduction of capitalist relations.
Thus, the CPU understands everything, but, nevertheless, supports small and middle bourgeoisie (must call things by their proper names: the entrepreneur - are the same bourgeois). (Again, in parenthesis, I note that the middle bourgeois already has a number of employees, so that he is an exploiter of others' labour. But a small bourgeois is the owner of the means of production and, simultaneously, a hard worker, working on his means of production. Often the small bourgeoisie is the farmer, trader, artisan who exploits not only himself but also his family members, so that the process of exploitation exists here too).

The example of China and the Chinese Communist Party, put forward by opportunists as an excuse for their own conciliatory policies - policies of dedication to the working class and commitment to revolution in words, but betrayal of them in deeds - is completely unacceptable.
The fact that the PRC during the construction of "socialism with Chinese characteristics", the reform of the socialist economy and the formation of a mixed multi-layered market economy, increasing the spread of private ownership has long ago turned into a major imperialist state, we Bolsheviks, have noted repeatedly. Under the guise of thought of Three Represents, the CCP includes bourgeois. The Chinese Communist Party from the vanguard of the working class has become, in fact, a bourgeois party, the vanguard of the bourgeoisie, the political representative and spokesman for the revived interest in China after Mao Zedong's death, of the exploiting class. The question of "improving the legal system of protection of private ownership" was made at the XVI Congress of the CPC in 2002, and then the position on the inviolability of private property entered into the Constitution of the PRC. China is openly moving onto the rails of capitalist development. According to economists, about 70% of China's GDP is provided by the enterprises under private ownership.
According to the Forbes magazine, by the end of 2009, the largest number of billionaires living in the USA - 403 people. China on this list came out in 2nd place in the world - 64 billionaires, and Russia, in the 3rd – with 62.
According to the research organization Hurun Research Institute (report of 12.10.2010), the greatest number of billionaires live in China and amounts to 189 people. They are the ones about which it is known that their wealth amounts to more than one billion dollars, but, according to study authors, the rich Chinese are not inclined to advertise their status and information gathered from open sources, is low. In reality, the number of dollar billionaires, according to the report exceeds 400-500 people. As noted by Rupert Hugverf, founder and originator of this rating: "In China there is now more wealthy people than anywhere in the world. In another 10-15 years, their their number will double if not triple. Because the country is growing, and inequality is growing between rich and poor "(Ukrainian Business Resource, ubr.ua, 12.10.2010).
The total number of Chinese people with a wealth amounting to more than one billion yuan (about 150 million dollars.) stands at 1363 people, when 10 years ago there were only 24, the report said. The study's authors say China's wealthy has growing ties with the state agencies - 173 yuan billionaires served as advisers for various state agencies, 83 were members of the NPC (National People's Congress), and 7 were XVII Party Congress delegates. One-third of yuan billionaires are CCP members. (RIA Novosti, www.rian.ru, 12.10.2010). Here is your Chinese Communist Party – the "vanguard" (!) of the working class.
In 2009, in the number of major transnational corporations and banks in the world (TNC TNB) according to Forbes magazine, a Chinese went in with 91 corporations. China on this indicator took 4th place in the world after the United States - 551 corporations, Japan - 228, UK - 102 (for information, Russia in this list by the end of 2009 was 8th place with 28 corporations).
In 2010, China's biggest bank ICBC has entered the top five global corporations (5th place), and among the world's largest banks became the third, after two U.S. banks, JP Morgan Chase and Bank of America. Petrochemical Corporation of China PetroChina became the 4th in the world after U.S. ExxonMobil, the Dutch Royal Dutch Shell, British BP and ahead of Russian "Gazprom" (5th place).
Expansion of Chinese capital around the world is growing.
In particular, China became the second after the United States, economic partner of the Black Continent, and now between the two imperialist giants (the U.S - withering and China - growing) the real battle is unfolding for Africa.
The growth of wealth at one pole necessarily leads to increased poverty and unemployment - on the other. Wages of workers of China in about 8-10 times lower than in the developed imperialist countries. The most brutal exploitation of workers in China, (who are prepared, as noted by commentators, to work for 12-14 hours a day for 6-7 days a week for very little money), the presence of a multi-million reserve army of labour, has allowed China to take off over the past 30 years to such heights.
The global financial and economic crisis hit China also, and in the first place, Chinese workers.
According to the director general of the research bureau of the Bank of China, Liu Ping, because of the crisis, 70 000 companies went bankrupt in November 2008 (16.11.2008, ForUm). By the end of 2009, the level of urban unemployment stood at 9 million. In the wake of the crisis, according to company Optim Consalt, specializing in business issues with China, 70 million rural residents by the end of 2008 left the city and returned to the village, i.e., joined the army of the rural unemployed. But in the first two months of 2009, 56 million of them returned to the city and 45 million have found jobs. Therefore, an additional 11 million people became unemployed in the city, and the remaining 14 million in the villages remained unemployed, adding many millions of hidden unemployment to rural areas. Of course, working people of China are fighting for their rights. But this is a topic for different material.
Referring to the Communist Party of China, the Communist Party aims to cover up its opportunistic nature, although, in fact, this example vividly confirms the relationship and opportunist degeneration of both the "communist" parties.
A good book on China by A. Mayevsky entitled “Modern day China” can be obtained here

And two more points.
The CPU program calls on members to expose the "adventurers and provocateurs, operating in the communist and workers' movement, flaunting pseudo revolutionary-rhetoric, calling on the uneducated masses to the "barricades" (or as in the UK, the sectarian fake left parties or specialized single issue groups and study circles that devote themselves entirely to the study of an ideology alone and yet are not political parties in themselves, by their failure to understand the necessity of unity of actions at the present stage of the capitalist crisis, choose to label such “adventurers” and “provocateurs”(i.e. communists at the barricades) of “siding” with “anarchists”, and “abandoning” “pure” communist ideology”–FB editorial comment) in the absence of the necessary prerequisites, can only discredit and weaken the left wing, and serve to strengthen the anti-peoples government."
Somehow, I do not remember that anyone, any communist or workers 'organization has TODAY called on workers to the “barricades.” Workers and working people can and should be called to the barricades when the economic struggle covers the whole of Ukraine and acquires a political character. Introducing revolutionary proletarian class consciousness, exposing the illusion of the constitutional election and bourgeois legislation - that is task of the present moment. At the same time without the "barricades", i.e. without a revolutionary struggle, the proletariat can not do anything. And it is possible that barricades could arise in any particular proletarian area, during a particular strike. To be prepared for this development, to call on the workers to build up the fight for class solidarity and support of other labour collectives who are fighting, and not hiding behind a cowardly bourgeois legislation - that is the truly revolutionary Marxist-Leninist party.
Meanwhile one can say only one thing – during the18 years of their parliamentary "struggle", the CPU more than any "adventurers and provocateurs" has contributed to the establishment and strengthening of the anti-peoples bourgeois regime in Ukraine.
Secondly. In the analysis of modern capitalism made in the report by Simonenko, and in the Resolution of the congress of the CPU, they talk about the two international gendarmes: the U.S. and the EU, and their "darn robbery of the planet," using "the powerful military capability of NATO." But not a word about Israel, as a gendarme in the Middle East of the United States in their struggle for the domination over natural oil and gas resources of the region. Not a word about Zionism, the modern fascism on international planetary scale. US-Zionist capital, enveloped the whole planet in its tentacles, has unleashed, along with NATO allies, dozens of wars and conflicts since the Second World War, and not stopping these wars for a minute (Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya) in its struggle for world domination - is the main enemy of mankind. Silence on this suggests that the CPU has a place in the pro-Zionist lobby, which seeks to hide from the rank and file party members this main enemy.


Thus, only a brief analysis of the documents of the 44th Congress of the Communist Party of Ukraine and its program, suggests that the party, despite the strengthening of the revolutionary rhetoric, is a petty bourgeois party of compromise, which contributed to the establishment and strengthening of the bourgeois regime in the Ukraine.
To carry out explanatory work in this area is an important task of the Bolsheviks, especially in the ranks of young people coming into the communist movement and among militant workers and labour collectives.

A. MAEVSKY, secretary of the CC AUCPB (All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks)



Workers of all countries, unite!

To the President of the International Committee
"For Friendship and Solidarity with Soviet people"
Organiser of the III World Congress
Editor of "Northstar Compass"
Michael Lucas,
Participants of the III World Congress
Toronto, Canada

Greetings to the organizers and participants of the
III World Congress
"For Friendship and Solidarity with Soviet people"

Dear Comrades!

The Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks greets the organizers and participants of the III World Congress "For Friendship and Solidarity with Soviet people" and wishes you all progress in this important progressive forum.
Fate had befallen upon us to live in a difficult and stressful period of history - the period of the collapse of the USSR, the collapse of the socialist camp, and as a result, a hastened assault by international imperialism on the social gains of working people throughout the world that were made during Soviet times, during the existence of SOCIALISM across 1/6th of the Earth's land.
Today, many countries are being rocked by powerful protest actions of working people in defence their social gains being taken away from them. In these actions, young people are actively involved, deprived of a future, with no chance of being employed and thus doomed to destruction. Imperialism either brutally suppresses the protests - essentially a class struggle (as it is in Europe) or skilfully uses the social protest and the population of young people for their own purposes, directing it from off the rails of class and social struggle into a struggle against individuals of higher governing authority, against so-called "tyrants." Recently, this has been clearly seen in the example of the African continent (and the recent events in Iraq). Using the weak political literacy of the protesters, the imperialists of the West (the North Atlantic Alliance, among them the United States) throw their heavily armed Special Forces structures, professional intelligence, money, weapons, and use the information war - disinformation and so forth for the organization, inciting and committing of bloody riots and carrying out pseudo-revolutions, overthrowing regimes objectionable to USA which gains the chance to lead to the power their own puppets and then have the opportunity to plunder the country and their natural resources with impunity. (The oil of Libya has now been carved up between France, Britain, Italy).
Yes, imperialism, especially U.S. imperialism, having fattened itself up nicely on war supplies during World War II, fighting against the communist ideology of the Soviet Union and throughout the years since 1917, has now temporarily triumphed. All possible means were involved in the struggle against the USSR. Paper devalued dollars were used to bribe unstable and greedy money-bourgeoisified leaders, and sophisticated, well-established methods of information and ideological struggle were used.
To combat the communist ideology, the U.S. successfully used the latest advances in communication and connections for strong anti-communist propaganda and a fifth column in the USSR and the People's Democracies from the local anti-Soviet "creative" elite, descendants of the exploiting classes, the underclass and the elements of the rising bourgeoisie (the ideological dimension of counter-revolution) politically abandoned by the revolution.
The introduction into the USSR after Stalin of capitalist market principles into socialist economy led to stagnation of socialist production. Nowadays, the enemies of socialism present this as the bankruptcy of socialism. A departure from socialist principles of economic management inevitably led to the appearance, at first, of an underground and then a clearly Soviet neo-bourgeoisie, including through theft and lack of control by the people over the activities of not just production (the economic aspect of counter-revolution).
The Communist Party of the Soviet Union (formerly All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks)), guarding the interests of working people under J.V. Stalin, after him, was gradually transformed from a political organization into a bureaucratic structure, increasingly contaminated by opportunists, careerists and bureaucrats. And then, after that, just enemies of the people, like Gorbachev. Recruitment of party members from Trotskyist Nikita Khrushchev, went along the principle of personal loyalty, and not by merit (the political aspect of counter-revolution - the degeneration of the ruling party). Under Khrushchev, all the Stalinist cadres were removed the from CPSU and from production, and replaced by Khrushchevites. This dealt a heavy blow to the socialist system, becoming the start of its degradation, bureaucracy and becoming bourgeois, starting at the top. By August 1991, the neo-bourgeoisie inside the USSR had already matured, had become economically strong and it demanded political power. The internal situation in the country was already prepared for the implementation of a political coup and the establishment of power by the Soviet neo-bourgeoisie. The top echelons of the CPSU had turned out so incompetent, unable to meet the challenges of the time, having allowed ideology to "free float" that left virtually no one in the leadership of the CPSU capable of taking responsibility for the country's destiny and future of the world as a whole, in the crucial days of August 1991.
Soviet man, under Stalin, crushing fascism in the II World War, had been transformed in their offspring, due to flaws in the ideological education of young people, into philistines and purely consumers of benefits, politically ignorant and irresponsible for the future of their great Motherland - the USSR.
The unprecedented plunder of the riches of the great country in the period of the counter-revolution was carried out not only by the nouveau riche, but the former party nomenklatura of the CPSU and the "glorious" Komsomol. Most of the former Komsomol leaders have now become oligarchs, owners of banks having "privatized" public property, and wealth of the USSR. Today we have a monstrous income gap between 2-3% of the richest people in the country and the dire poverty of the rest of the 85% of the mass of the people. Petty speculators - the "middle class" - do not play any significant role in the production of anything important for the life of society and makes up only 5% of society. The advertised farming is being destroyed because of monstrous speculation by "intermediaries" and inability to return earlier loans from the sale of farmed products. The barrier for national food security has long been exceeded. More than 50% of food is imported from abroad and, as a rule, does not meet food safety standards. Large industrial enterprises have been destroyed. In agriculture, nearly all livestock farming has been destroyed, with large acreage of land overgrown by weeds. The army is degraded and disarmed through "reforms" to it.
Today, the export of our wealth and money abroad, into offshore accounts and banks is continuing on a monstrous scale. Inflation and poverty levels of the general population are constantly rising. The mortality rate is significantly higher than the birth rate. The destruction of a great country and its people is well underway. The high mortality rate is associated with the transfer of medicine over to a fee-paying privatised commercial system, and a poor free of charge corrupt health service, full of bribery.
The youth are deprived of prospects for a future because of high fees for higher education, and fee paying secondary schools. The youth are subverted by arbritaryness, vulgar sex, drugs, drunkenness, popularization of perversion in all amoralism, and educated to disrespect the older generation in that very same spirit of appeals made to them by Trotskyists in the early twentieth century: "The evil lies inside all of the old communists. Komsomolet, be talkative! Komsomolet - beat your fathers up!" Television, along with our depraved and amoral pop artistic bohemia succeed in the sexual abuse of young people. Criminality of society is growing. Most crimes are committed by young people.
I note that the conditions of life in all the former Soviet republics is even worse than in Russia. This is particularly true of Central Asian Republics, of which due to lack of work and grinding poverty, there is a never-ending stream of guest workers arriving in Russia.

Out the current situation on the territory of the USSR, there is only one way out - the rejection of criminal capitalism imposed on us by deceit and lies, and a return to the socialist system, the restoration of the Soviet Union.

HOW can this be done? WITH WHAT forces? WHAT has to be done for this?

It requires the rejection of the entire criminal bourgeois system, not by way of bourgeois merrymaking in parliamentarism, but only through a revolutionary change in the socio-political system. According to Lenin, "reforms are concessions obtained from the ruling class, while maintaining its dominance. Revolution is the overthrow of the ruling class” (v.39, p.113). Revolution is impossible without a nationwide crisis affecting the exploited and the exploiters. A universal
crisis is present not only in Russia but throughout the imperialist world. This means that a world socialist revolution is maturing also.
A revolution is carried out by people, not parties and not leaders. According to Lenin - "The revolution can only be carried out by the masses, moved by deep economic needs" (t.14, s.238). In order for a revolution to take place, "We have to make people terrified at themselves in order to breathe courage into them." (Marx and Engels. Soch.t.1, s.417).
Today, the horror of existence and complete hopelessness of the future is already being felt by many. It is necessary to lift people from their knees, to breathe revolutionary energy into them and lead an assault against the criminal, immoral, dying, but still strong bourgeois system. For this purpose, according to Lenin - "Quite a small party is enough to lead the masses. At certain moments there is no need for large organizations. But to win, it must have the sympathy of the masses. And not always the absolute majority ... "(t.44, p.32).
A revolutionary party has to convince the masses of the correctness of its political line. Because today, our main task lies in the deep political education of the masses through propaganda and agitation by the spreading of our Bolshevik literature, rallies, pickets, interviews and speeches to various audiences.
We publish three national newspapers - publications of the Central Committee: "Hammer and Sickle” (Serp I Molot) in Russia, "Workers' and Peasants' Truth” (Raboche-Krestyanskaya Pravda) in Ukraine, "Forward" (Vperyod) in Belarus and a youth central newspaper "Revolution" (Revolyutsia) in Russia. We have a web-site: http / / www.vkpb. ru, as well as several regional sites. We also publish and distributes a lot of leaflets, brochures on the topic of the day and on major events of the past and present. We believe an achievement of our party for changing attitudes towards Joseph Stalin’s personality and contribution to history. At the beginning of our work (our party was founded on November 8, 1991 at the height of anti-Soviet hysteria in the country) people used to shy away from us at demonstrations, because we always marched with a portrait of Stalin. Our "friends" in the communist movement cowardly said that we would all be imprisoned, and dissociated themselves from us (The Russian Communist Workers’ Party, in particular). Today, twenty years later, nearly 90% of the population according to an opinion poll, oppose the policies of the regime on de-Stalinization of society. And those who were shying away from us before, are now too, IN FAVOUR of Stalin (are they just in favour of the shifting public opinion or have they indeed "matured"?).
Unity of all protest forces are needed to make a revolution.
Today in Russia, there are a mass of listed parties, including those who call themselves communist parties (it's hard to count how many of them have been founded by instruction or consent of the regime). Some of them have only three or more people in them. Three parties have the same Russian initials as our AUCPB or as pronounced in Russian - VKPB: These parties including our own AUCPB (VKPB) are, VKP(b) led by A. Lapin – made up of a few people who were expelled from our party including himself, or who were denied admission into our AUCPB (VKPB), and the VKPB ("All-Russia Communist Party of the Future" – Vserossiskaya Kommunistichestkaya Partiya Boodooshevo). The 2nd and 3rd parties were set up as directed by the regime and got their names also on the direct orders of the special organs of the FSB (former KGB) that created them. "The All-Russia Communist Party of the Future" is on full financial allowance of the regime. No activity by it has been observed lately. The identical Russian abbreviations were given by the regime to create confusion in the minds of people and to divert them away from our All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks – the AUCPB. The Communist Party of the Russian Federation (KPRF) led by G. Zuganov- is not a communist party. This is a social democratic party. Its main job is inside the bourgeois parliament, dealing with the improvement of bourgeois power and has very generous financial support from both the federal budget, and the oligarchs and businessmen in the party.
The Russian Communist Workers’ Party –Revolutionary Party of Communists (RKRP-RPK) is a party made up of the small nomenclature, anti-Stalinists, opportunists, and by the words and actions of their leaders - a Trotskyist party. The RKRP-RPK wants to break into parliament by any means, deceiving people with promises to speak out for the working class via the parliamentary rostrum, which is untenable. Parties rush into parliament for the big money it has to offer them. For example, the Liberal Democratic Party pf Russia (LDPR), led by Zhirinovsky receives out of the federal budget every year 125 million rubles (about $ 4.5 million) for maintenance and expenses. The Zyuganov party - the Communist Party of the Russian Federation gets a much higher amount, as it has 3 times more parliamentary seats than the Liberal Democratic Party has. The history of the last 20 years has shown that anyone who gets into the Russian bourgeois parliament is a faithful servant of the regime. And with no workers’ seats, "Trudovaya Rossiya" (Working Russian) led by Victor Anpilov stands for communist ideals, for Stalin, but has a wavering stance on several issues, depending on the situation, and is also eager to get into parliament. The other parties are either petty-bourgeois, nationalist, or liberal parties.
It follows from this conclusion, that appeals made by these other parties for us to "unite" with them organizationally, is not consistent.
We already pursue a policy of UNITY with everyone, who currently shares our stance on an issue put on the agenda of the day. Therefore, we hold many events in different regions of the country together with other parties.
At present, a difficult issue for us lies in the financing of the party, and the publishing of our newspapers. Naturally there are neither oligarchs, or businessmen in out party. Party membership fees make up the finances. Because of the extreme poverty of people, especially in outlying regions where a pension in the absence of wages is far below the subsistence level, some comrades are exempt from paying membership dues. In our party, there are many unemployed workers due to lack of jobs in the region of residence and massive plant closures.
We work hard. The work is complex. We rely only on ourselves. We have lost many of our comrades ... in "democratic Russia". There have been many cases of killings of our activists after they have been warned by the FSB to reject their "Bolshevik activity." "But where, tell me, and when, was freedom was ever delivered without sacrifice?" - said K.F. Ryleyev, a Decembrist, and one of the organizers of the Decembrist uprising at Senate Square in St. Petersburg in 1825.
The aim of our work is the revival of the multinational Union of equal nations and nationalities - the USSR, the restoration of the socialist system, where everyone will have a constitutional right to work, leisure, housing, free health care and free higher education. Our goal is the aspiration of the absolute majority of honest, decent Soviet citizens.
Change of regime can be realized only through socialist revolution.
Our way of achieving this goal lies in the most extensive propaganda and agitation among the population of the advantages of the socialist system over the capitalist system, as proven by history.
We are consistent fighters for peace in the world. But a world without war is possible only through the destruction of capitalism, because "under capitalism, and especially in its imperialist stage, war is inevitable" (V.I. Lenin. V.26, p.165).
In our struggle, we are counting on the support of a united front against imperialism, for its active support for joint actions across the board.
We are confident in the correctness of our political line.
We are confident of victory, the victory of socialism, in the revival of the Soviet Union.
We believe in the victory of socialism on the entire earth, for it is an objective historical process of human development.

Proletarians and honest people of all countries, unite!

Nina Alexandrovna Andreeva
General Secretary of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks (CC AUCPB)

P.S. Citation by V.I. Lenin from the 5th edition of the complete works in Russian. Moscow, 1971

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